Saturday, April 27, 2024

Adolf Hitler About the Historical World-View Mental Equipment

 


The formation of the folks and states as well as their preservation is...the content of that, which we encompass with the word „history”.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg

Forms of governments have always been mortal.

Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich

One demands...sacrifice and courage, valor, loyalty, faith and heroism, and that portion of a folk will report, which calls these virtues its own. This, however, was at all times that factor, which made history.

Speech of September 3, 1933

Folks without character have no right to existence in the world.

Speech of November 9, 1933 in Munich

Lacking possibility of existence (has) always been a source of conflicts between folks.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin

In the final analysis it was the Aryan alone, who founds states and is able to lead toward a future.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich

Even the republics of antiquity with steel-hard state attitude have in times of distress resorted to the dictator. When the life of folks is at stake, then folk representations, parliaments and even provincial assemblies are of no use, then only giants are of use.

Speech of May 4, 1923 in Munich

We have the so-called „White race”, which since the collapse of the world of antiquity in the course of roughly a thousand years has gained a position of advantage for itself in the world.

I cannot comprehend the economically privileged position of mastery of the White race compared to the rest of the world, if I do not bring it into the closest connection to a political view of mastery, which has belonged to the White race as something self-evident for many centuries and which has been represented by it outwardly.

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf

The German folk did not emerge any differently than almost all the other really creative cultured folks of the world known to us: A small, talented race with organizational ability and culturally creative has in the course of many centuries overlapped other folks and in part absorbed them, in part adapted to them. All individual components of our folk have naturally brought their special abilities into the federation. But it was created by only one single, folk-forming and state-forming core. This core folk imposed its language, naturally not without borrowing from the subjugated, and it finally subjected all to a common fate for so long that the life of the state-folk became inseparably bound with the life of the gradually absorbed other components. Out of victors and vanquished have long since become a community: It is our present German folk.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg

Germany once - as the first prerequisite for our folk’s general organization - had a world-view basis in our religion, Christianity. When this world-view basis was shaken, we see how the nation’s energy turned from external fighting to internal fighting...That was the great time of the civil wars, the religious wars etc., fighting and chaos, in which either a new world-view was found and there upon a nation again built, which can direct its energy outward, or in which a folk divides and decays. In Germany this process occurred in downright classic form. The religious fighting meant a withdrawal of all German energy inward, a soaking and consuming of this energy domestically and thus automatically a slowly growing lack of reaction to foreign- political, great world events, which now find the folk totally inactive, because it simultaneously possesses internal tensions, which push for a settlement. It is wrong to say: World politics, the world situation alone determined Germany’s fate in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. No, our internal condition back then helped to shape the world situation under which we later suffered so greatly: the division of the world without Germany.

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf

The history of the last 150 years should, through all its changing course, have taught both folks (Frenchmen and Germans) one thing, that major changes, despite all the loss of blood, are no longer possible in the long run.

Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin

We are moved by the reference to the unfortunately all too sad truth that both great folks (Germans and Frenchmen) have so often in history sacrificed the blood of their best youths and men. I speak in the name of the whole German folk, when I assure that we are all filled with the sincere wish to purge a hostility, whose sacrifices stand in no relation to any possible gain.

Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin

More often than once in German history the rulers have been compelled to opposition against the so-called ruling classes. In Brandenburg they were compelled to take a position against the nobility and support themselves on broader masses of the bourgeoisie. What was the great struggle of the Flohenzollern other than a struggle for the breaking of individual predominations of stubborn nobles and arrangement and integration into the state at any price!

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich

It was Friedrich Wilhelm (I.), who founded state authority, it was the great king, who declared: „I am a servant of the state!” That was true in the same way down to the very old heroic Kaiser (Wilhelm I.).

Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich

One has spoken so much of the absolutist era of the past, of the absolutism of Frederick the Great and the democratic era of our parliamentarian epoch. Seen from the standpoint of the folk, the time back then was the more objective one; they could really perceive the nation’s interests more objectively, while the later time descended more and more to purely the representation of the interests of individual strata. That is proven more distinctly by nothing other than the idea of class struggle itself.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin

That the so-called „enlightened absolutism” of a Frederick the Great was possible, was only because this man would have been able to arbitrarily decide over the well-being or the woe of his so-called „subjects”, but that he did not do that, rather that he decided, carried and driven by the sole idea of the wellbeing of his Prussian folk.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich

Did Frederick the Great perhaps make his resistance against all of Europe dependent on a - plebiscite of his army? I believe many would have perhaps rather gone home: One must act!

Speech of August 21, 1923 in Munich

Frederick the Great made it come to pass, after seven years on the day of the end of the great war, to be able to point to a state, which had, however, been plundered, but which was practically without one single Reichstaler debt! For seven years long this miracle genius managed to cover the enormous disbursements for his army without burdening his folk with a penny of debt - through financial operations, which were, however, daring: Lowing the quality of money, melting down silver and God knows what the devil else -, so that, however, when the war was over, Prussia had the possibility to be able to immediately start with the reconstruction.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich

The situation of the fatherland - according to geography one of the most unfavorable in Europe - was first comprehended at all by the small Prussian state. Hated, a rival in spiritual and material terms to all surrounding folks, it was reserved for this small, exemplary state to become the champion of the German idea until that union of the German tribes, which basically, despite two won wars, was still not a union.

Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich

An almost thousand-year-old world of ideas and social order was (through the French Revolution, 1789) shaken down to its innermost fundaments.

Speech of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg

Through many centuries emerged the European states and their borders based on views, which only existed within exclusively state thinking. With the triumphant breakthrough of the national idea and the principle of nationality in the course of the previous century, the seeds for numerous conflicts were sewn, as a result of the non-consideration of these new ideas by the states, which emerged from other prerequisites.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin

In place of the lacking religious unity (in Germany) - for both denominations have finally frozen in, neither can overcome the other anymore - a new platform was found: the new state idea, first legitimized character, and later slowly passing through the era of the national principle and colored by it. Upon this new platform Germany again finds itself unified, and piece by piece with (he putting together of the Reich, which had decayed in old entanglements, the external strength automatically and permanently increases again.

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf

When Reich Chancellor debated with his opponents criticizing him, he finally damned them to respectful silence through the proclamation of a new German Reich (January 18, 1971) with vast international prestige and domestic prosperity.

Open Letter to Brüning of December 13, 1931

What did Bismarck commit in the constitution conflict? He ignored constitution, parliament and the overwhelming majority and ruled, supported by the state’s means of power alone, by (lie army, officialdom and the crown. That was designated breech of constitution and high treason in the oppositional press. What then legalized this deed of Bismarck? His deed would have perhaps also been high treason, if from this deed had not come the blessing, which led the German folk to its unity, to its highest perfection and freedom. On the day when the crown was placed on the head of the German Kaiser before Paris, the high treason was legalized before the German folk and the whole world.

Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich

It was one man, who created the Reich: Bismarck.

Speech on May 4, 1923 in Munich

When Bismarck followed the cultural striving of the German nation with the state-political unification, it appeared that a long period of quarrelling and wars among the German tribes had forever ended.

Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam

The other Versailles of 1870/1871 had been the fruit of a heroic struggle! One had to say that that Reich founding was unique in German history, the work of the greatest German of the modern period! Imagine the Kaiser election of Versailles at the same time as opposed to that shameful scene in the forest of Compiegne. Back then Bismarck, now a plump, well-fed paunch (Matthias Erzberger)! Marshal Foch asked amazed: „And that is Germany, before which a thousand times we almost kneeled in defeat?!” - No, that was also not Germany! You Frenchmen did not overrun it! You have not defeated Germany, rather you received it through treason as a defenseless victim.

Speech of September 12, 1933 in Munich

France had two revolutions. Although they were made by people, not all of whom in the final analysis had France’s wellbeing in sight, nonetheless each one raised France’s well-being. Especially the second revolution showed that. When France collapsed in Sedan, one made a revolution in order to save the sinking tricolors! War was waged with new energy. The revolutionaries bravely fought countless battles. It was not a symbol of shame, rather quite the opposite the symbol to preserve the state! French national honor has been restored by the republic.

Speech of September 12, 1923 in Munich

I may point out that in the year 1870 nobody could doubt the cause of the war back then and hence the war guilt. And likewise, there could be no doubt that we were the victors back then. But what did Germany put as burden on the vanquished? The loss of a region, which had once been of German origin, a financial burden, which stood in no relation to the wealth of the opponent back then, to its natural resources, a burden, which was fully covered in just three years, and besides that not a single clause annoying the folk’s honor, absolutely nothing, which could have in any manner distressed this folk’s future, no hindrance of its own development, of its own life, of its possibilities, of its abilities, not the slightest attempt to hold down its armed forces in the future, no, none of all that. After three years France was indeed completely free.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin

Bismarck...thought the fate of folks cannot be determined by majority decisions, but also not by treaties, rather only by blood and iron.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich

Europe had fifty years of peace with this power of Germany (of prewar Germany since the Bismarck era).

Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich

The most powerful party in Germany was in peace social democracy, powerful first as mass and furthermore powerful due to highly placed benefactors. At the moment Bismarck stepped down, these benefactors took the leadership into their hands.

Speech of April 27, 1923 in Munich

The old giant in the German state life, Bismarck!...When he went, the rule of the halves, of the luke warm came.

Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich

Who was then really the regent in the year 1914, who could be guilty for the war, the Kaiser? Does one really believe that this man could unleash a war, which encompassed the whole world? Who were the advisors of Wilhelm II back then, perhaps the All-Germans? No, the gentlemen Ballin, Bleichröder, Mendelssohn etc., a whole brood of Hebrews. That was the inofficial government. What power these people possessed, one could already see earlier in the days in which the Reich’s founder (Bismarck) had to leave Berlin, because this court camarilla wanted it so.

Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich

The old Reich at least made an honest attempt to be social. We had social beginnings to show like no other land in the whole world! In living quarters and factories there was for the greater part hygiene, wash rooms, light and air as opposed to the November republic, whose „residence offices” had people perched in rabbit hutches. The old Reich built schools, hospitals, economic institutes, which aroused the amazement and envy of the whole world. In the November republic such cultural places perished daily. That the old Reich was social in this sense, that it did not allow itself to see its people just as numbers, therein existed its great danger for the world stock market.

Speech of April 13, 1923 in Munich

We once had a blossoming Reich. It was not built upon conquests, on the foreign goods of foreign folks, it was only the result of an endless work, unspeakable diligence, countless efforts and cares of our own folk comrades.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin

It is the fault of the German folk that in 1912 it did not piece together itself those three army corps, which a criminal Reichstag in fathomless badness and stupidity denied! With those additional 120,000 men the Marne Battle would have been won, the war decided. Two million German heroes fewer would have sank into the grave! But who knocked the weapon out of the German folk’s hand in 1912 as well as in 1918? Who back then as in the last year blinded the German folk with that theory: „The whole world will thrown down the weapons, if Germany does it”, who? - the democratic-Marxist Jew, who at the same hour and up to the present agitated and agitates the others to armament and to subjugation of „barbaric” Germany.

Speech of April 13, 1923 in Munich

There was a time, when we were affluent, a wealthy folk and yet inwardly poor, divided and disunited, a folk, which no longer knew what to do with its material wealth.

Speech of June 18, 1934 in Gera

England has well recognized this first principle (without power no successful economic policy) of state life, of state health and for centuries acts according to the principle of transforming economic strength into political power, and political power must again the other way around protect economic life.

Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich

England with the eternally constant goal, to balkanize Europe and establish a European balance of power, so that its global position is not threatened. It is not a principle enemy Germany, rather the power, which tries to achieve the first position in Europe.

Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich

Because this last social state of the world (Germany) had to be smashed, twenty-six folks of the world were agitated against each other by this press, which finds itself exclusively in the possession of one and the same global folk (the Jews), one and the same race, which is basically mortally hostile to all national states!

Speech of April 13, 1923 in Munich

Conflicts in Europe before the World War:...England and Russia were in trade competition in the lowlands of Bengal, in Afghanistan etc. England already stood 140 years in competition with France for hegemony. Despite the jointly waged robber war they have remained old rivals down to this hour. France on the other hand had a conflict of interest with Italy, especially in North Africa. On the other hand, no conflict ever existed between Germany and Russia, quite the opposite, the industrial state Germany urgently needed additional years of peace, the agrarian state Russia needed many other things, but in no way any territorial expansion at the expense of Imperial Germany. Likewise, there was no friction at all between Germany and Italy: Nonetheless, in a cunningly conducted game of intrigue first Russia was agitated against Germany and finally the whole world against us.

The lies of Germany’s war guilt: For neither the Kaiser nor the government nor the folk wanted this war!

Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam

Germany or its government supposed bear the guilt for the outbreak of the (World) War: This claim was knowingly and objectively false.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin

We cannot state to the world often enough that the claim of Germany’s guilt for the war is untrue, that it was signed against knowing better out of fear. For us this is a warning not to resort to a like lie out of fear of the present.

Speech of November 1, 1933 in Weimar

Again and again we must freely and publicly affirm to the world that one has not convinced the German folk and cannot convince it that it bears the guilt for this terrible war.

Speech of November 2, 1933 in Essen

Without guilt for the war our folk became a victim of the same!

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin

The Germanic folk fought so heroically only because it was devoutly convinced it had been unjustly attacked and hence in the right in the fight. Of the greatness of the sacrifices, which it back then - dependent almost on itself alone - had to make, other nations hardly had an idea! If in these months (end of 1918) the world had extended its hand in a fair manner to the sunken down opponent, much suffering and countless disappointments would have been spared humanity!

Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin

The German folk lost this World War, because it believed there could perhaps be unvanquished, and did not comprehend that in this world there are only victors or servants.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich

All of present Russia now presents nothing more than a ruined culture and a ripe colony for management by foreign capital.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich

That, what happened in 1918, was not high treason, rather treason against the land, which can never be legalized.

Speech of February 26, 1924 in Munich

That is the guilt of the Jew, that he agitated the broad mass into the insanity of November...

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich

And at home: A political leadership wavers and collapses before a band of pitiful deserters, because they were too cowardly to stand before the enemy, and the homeland capitulates to these cowards. One should not say: „There was no other way.” - Only for this leadership was there no other way!

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin

When in November 1918 the collapse came, we felt the crush of this catastrophe doubly hard because not the army as such failed, rather the homeland.

Speech to the folk comrades in Danzig of May 27, 1933

The monarchy died at the moment when none of the twenty-six monarchs - in accordance to Bismarck’s demand - were ready to die fighting on the steps of the throne.

Speech of August 21, 1923 in Munich

If the republic had called out on the day of its founding: „Germans, gather, resist! The fatherland, the republic expects of you that you fight to the last breath!” millions, who you today have as opponents, would have been fanatical republicans!

Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich

One should just remember the attitude toward the revolution (1918)!: Who made it? A tiny fraction of the populace. The great part of the folk wanted peace, but not a pig pen. But the revolution proved itself to be totally incapable of bringing this peace, quite the opposite: It did not want to bring it at all.

Speech of April 20, 1923 in Munich

The revolution of November 1918 ended a struggle, which the German nation had entered with the most sacred conviction of only protecting its freedom and hence its life right.

Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam

With a, I want to say: bronze firmness these states (England and France) are in Jewish shackles, as long as the Jew himself does not sense the necessity and the expediency of a change in this condition. This change, however, will come there as well in the foreseeable future.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich

For two millennia our folk has been accompanied by this changing fate. Again and again, the rise follows the fall. The causes were always the same. The German, buried in himself, disunited in spirit, divided in his wanting and thus impotent indeed, become lethargic in the assertion of his own life. He dreams of right in the stars and loses the ground on earth.

Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam

After a time of heroic rise, rich blossoming and prospering in all areas of our life, have (since November 1918) - as so often in the past - distress and poverty come again.

The „achievements of the (November) revolution” were - taken altogether - only for the smallest portion of our folk pleasant ones, but for the overwhelming majority, leastwise insofar as they had to earn their daily bread through honest work - infinitely sad ones.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin

The sum of distress, suffering and misery, which have since then come to small worker families and small households, cannot be justified by the criminals of November 1918. So, they should not complain about anything today. We did not take revenge. If we wanted to take revenge - we would have had to slain them by the tens of thousands!

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin

The revolution (1918) also did not create a single monetary asset for the German folk, rather a vast pile of bogus paper notes.

Speech of August 1, 1923 in Munich

So we were the first who declared that this peace treaty (of Versailles) was a crime.

Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich

The peace treaty of Versailles is no peace treaty. It belongs, on the contrary, to the category of those political tribute diktats, which carry within them the seed for later wars.

Open letter to Brüning of October 14, 1931

Peace Treaty of Versailles: This treaty is based on two false premises. First: The outbreak of the war, in which there must naturally always be victor and vanquished, could for time eternal now be the valid legal norm in the life of folks, that means for always the victor would also be in the right and the vanquished without rights. This is an impossible premise, upon which no community of folks can be built. The second premise, which is just as false, is this: to believe one folk is better off, the more another folk is worse off- a monstrous mistake!

Speech of November 10, 1933 in Berlin

The last peace...was not to be measured with the ruler of reason at all. What does it have to do with reason, if on the one hand one cannot remove from the planet the fact of a sixty-five million nation and on the other hand takes away its life possibilities? This peace treaty is based on the capitalist error that the misfortune of one must be the good fortune of the other, on the error that the economic misfortune of one folk would bring the economic good fortune of the other.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin

From the absurdity of eternal victors and eternal vanquished came the lunacy of reparations and as a result the catastrophe of the world economy.

Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam

The „reparation” is nothing more than a „legal means” in order to ruin a state with the appearance of right.

Speech of May 4, 1923 in Munich

Germany has with downright suicidal loyalty fulfilled the imposed obligations despite their inherent unreasonableness and the foreseeable consequences.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin

When has ever a peace been concluded in the world, which does not even reveal to the opponent a fixed sum of the debt, rather simply says: This folk obligates to pay, what is later accessed? And what was assessed? One never reached a final result in this assessment. The sums fluctuated between 100 and 200 billion, sums, which naturally could never be paid at all.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin

440 paragraphs (contained in the Versailles Treaty), of which most make one’s face turn red while reading, a peace, which is not to be compared with similar events in previous times.

Speech of October 24, 1924 in Berlin

What purpose do demands have, if the one, who signs them, knows: „I cannot fulfill that at all” - and the opponent also says: „We do not believe that you can fulfill that!” - what meaning does all that have?

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin

There is no recovery of the German folk with this peace treaty...! The treaty is made in order to kill off twenty million Germans and to ruin the German nation.

Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich

The peace treaty is unbearable: Its economic execution invariably means our political enslavement, its political execution leads to economic enslavement. Therefore, the elimination of this treaty is a necessity, it is the prerequisite for any at all possible later recovery.

Speech of April 20, 1923 in Munich

It would have to be the goal of any permanent treaty not to rip wounds or keep open existing ones, rather to close wounds and to heal.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin

For all the present unrest causing problems lie in the shortcomings of the peace treaty, which was not able to contemplate for all time the most important and decisive questions of that time, to clearly and rationally solve them. Neither the national nor the economic or even the legal matters and demands of the folks were solved by this treaty in a manner that they could stand up forever to the critique of reason. It is thus natural that the idea of a revision not only belongs to the permanent accompanying manifestations of the effects of this treaty, rather the revision was even foreseen by its authors as necessary and thus has a legal anchor in the treaty itself.

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin

This treaty has the idea everywhere: How can one artificially maintain the discord for the future?

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin

It is not to be contested that after more than thirteen years of this peace treaty, Europe has brought no peace, rather eternal disquiet, unrest, distrust, insecurity, desperation.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin

Armies of millions of unemployed are the living witness to the unreasonableness of those who made these treaties.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin

The greatest atrocities in Germany happen in the name of the Peace Treaty of Versailles. Due to the peace treaty about

20.0       people take their own life in Germany annually, and those were decent people, decent people, who could no longer live decently, because this treaty has destroyed all life prospects and life possibilities.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin

Since the day of the signing of this treaty, which was supposed to be the cornerstone for a new and better future for all folks, 224.0       people - almost solely out of need and misery - with their free will took their own lives, men and women, oldsters and children!

Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin

If the peace treaty could have come in the form in which it was burdened upon us, then only because Germany at the point in time of its composition had totally ceased to somehow be a significant factor. And if this peace treaty in its effect took the forms, which we all recognize in it and experienced, then also only because in all these years a Germany of whatever kind of specific and discernible will of its own did not exist. We are thus not the victims of the treaties, rather the treaties are the consequences of our mistakes, and I must, if I want to improve the situation at all, first again change the value of the nation.

Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf

The craziest political and economic burdens of this treaty have fundamentally destroyed the German folk’s trust in any judicial justice in this world. Among many millions of people, however, invariably feelings of hatred were incited against a world order, in which the ongoing defamation and discrimination against a great folk was supposed to be possible simply because it once had the misfortune to lose a war forced upon it after heroic resistance.

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin

Not the proletarian has become master, rather the Galician Jew replaced falling kings.

Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich

But if the republic (of 1918) would at least satisfy the stomach, if it were at least a „social republic”! But it is not that either. It is neither national nor social.

Speech of April 24, 1923 in Munich

We know after all that a great man, who today - we can say: decisively - has intervened in world history, Benito Mussolini, found his way back to his folk in this honor of realization.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin

Fascism as an example-giving historical deed (accomplished) the salvation of the Italian folk.

It is the final triumph of the old army that the national Germany in the year 1925 found no better representative than the... General Field-Marshal of the World War (P. v. Hindenburg).

Speech of August 7, 1934 in Tannenberg

In the life of folks there are years in which the decision over existence or non-existence is made for coming centuries.

Speech of February 7, 1934 in Berlin

Great changes cannot take place in the life of folks, if not - I almost want to say - an urgent need for them is present. One can make no really deep reaching revolution, if the folk does not inwardly shout for such a revolution.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin

You will never bring the Bavarian name more honor than if Bavaria becomes bound to the liberation of the German nation from its accursed enemy domestically and to the recovery only possible thereby.

Speech of September 5, 1923 in Munich

Not the will and the self-determination right of the German people do we want to rape, rather only drive out the rapists of the nation.

Speech of July 13, 1934 in Berlin

On January 30, 1933 the National Socialist party was entrusted with the political leadership of the Reich, at the end of March the National Socialist revolution was externally concluded.

Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

On January 30, 1933 a new government was not formed still again, rather a new power eliminated an old and sick era.

The National Socialist revolution would not have succeeded, if it had not come from world-view foundations.

Speech of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg

And when I bring up the atrocity of say the French Revolution (of 1789), then I can only say: We have at any rate not set up any guillotines, we have created no Vendee in Germany! Even the worst elements, we have merely segregated from the nation. Unfortunately, the rest of the world will not take them off our hands; we would gladly place them at their disposal.

Speech of October 24. 1933 in Berlin

The prerequisites for this process (of the National Socialist revolution) invariably formed and resulted from the development of long years. A terrible distress cried for relief, so that the hour just waited for the will, which was ready to carry out the historical mission.

Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin

Unfortunately, fate did not make us the inheritor of a booming business, rather of a totally bankrupt enterprise.

Speech of September 9, 1934 at Bückeberg

From the whole Reich came a single cry for help: the cities before financial ruin, the provinces and village communities before collapse or better right in their midst industry facing the closing of the last factories, trade facing complete cessation, the peasantry in many regions in the middle of foreclosure, a third of all work-able people damned to unemployment lines and everywhere debts and empty cash-boxes!

Speech of September 30, 1934 at Bückeberg

God first let our folk triumph for four and a half years, then humiliated us, imposed a time of shamelessness upon us, but has now after a fourteen-year struggle allowed us to reach its overcoming.

Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich

This struggle for the rejuvenation of our folk was continuously made more difficult by the fact that countless people simply do not wish for the success so necessary for the nation, simply because it contradicted and opposed their party doctrine and their special interests. We could never tell of these people whether they perhaps asked themselves whether our struggle for the freedom and for the daily bread of our folk would be successful. No, we always just saw furious disappointment, if the hoped for failure did not come. Many things would go better and above all more easily in Germany, if these interested parties of German fractionalization and impotence would not in every way possible create obstacles for the nation’s resurrection.

Speech of September 30, 1934 at the Bückeberg

As so often in German history it will again be proven that the German folk, the greater the distress becomes, has all the more strength to find the path upward and forward.

Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin

After fifteen years of desperation a great folk has again steadied itself, determinedly begun to struggle for its life in order to, under its own energy and according to its own purpose, shape it anew.

Speech of May 1, 1933 in Berlin

We all feel it today that two worlds struggle with each other and not only among us, rather everywhere we look, in now oppressed Russia and in Italy, in France and in England etc., a pitiless struggle between the ideals of the national-folkish inclined and the intangible supra-governmental international.

Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich

When has the German folk ever broken its word? It has, unfortunately, mostly kept its word too stubbornly and all too faithfully! If we had not stood by our allies in the World War so stubbornly and loyally, then Germany would have perhaps done better. We protest against it that one wants to judge the character of a folk by its emigrants. We also do not judge other folks by those would curse their state to us. We do not insult Englishmen and Frenchmen based on somebody who ran off, who is just as little at home here as previously in Paris and tomorrow in London. Those are not the valuable elements of a nation. Valuable are those who are there, who work and produce, and not the international gypsies.

Speech of November 10, 1933 in Berlin

We have learned from history that in the long run life is given to those folks, who are willing to represent their life, their honor before the world.

Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin

The German folk is convinced that its military honor has remained pure and spotless in a thousand battles.

Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin

It is the blood substance of our nation, which has in long centuries again and again proven itself, which we recognized and which therefore also never lets us despair.

Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin

It (German posterity) will one day be our judge, and I know it will let us enter into the pantheon of national history. It will ascertain and affirm: Here, for the first time after a thousand years of failure and wrong paths, men have put together the German people and created one folk from the inside out.

Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich

World history is even today much less a portrayal of the normal course and flow of the life of folks than much more a treatment of their critical years.

Speech of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg

Already in the term „world-view” lies the solemn proclamation of the decision to base all action on a specific starting view and thus visible tendency. Such a view can be correct or incorrect: It is the starting point for the taking of a position toward all manifestations and events of life and thus a binding and obligating law for all working. The more such a view coincides with the natural laws of organic life, the more useful will their conscious application be for the life of a folk.

Speech September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

All historically determinable world-views are only comprehensible in their connect to the life purposes and life-view of specific races. It is hence very difficult to take a position regarding the correctness or incorrectness of such views, if one does not check their effect on people to which one wants to know them applied or not.

Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

What perhaps only a few philosophically talented spirits are in the position to scientifically analyse, the spirit of the unspoiled man feels with sure instinct.

Speech of September 8. 1934 in Nuremberg

Woe, if today this idealism in our folk perishes and the person’s worth is supposed to be measured according to the external luxuries of life, which have fallen to him. The worth of our folk would then no longer be a great one and its existence not a long one!

Speech of May 1, 1933 in Berlin If...the National Socialist mission is supposed to obtain its inner justification, then it will have to lift German man from the depth of a solely materialistic life-view to the heights of a worthy representation of that, which we mean by the term „human being”.

Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

At all times...world-views have determined not only the essence of politics, rather also the image of cultural life. The poets have sung of heroes, if heroic times had them appear, or they enter the lowlands of everyday life, if the time became non-heroic and people corresponding to it set the tone.

Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg

The cosmopolitan contemplativeness is rapidly disappearing. Heroism passionately rises as the coming shaper and leader of political fates.

Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin

Nietzsche’s words that a blow, which does not knock a man down, only makes him stronger, finds its thousandfold confirmation.

Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg

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