The formation of the folks and
states as well as their preservation is...the content of that, which we
encompass with the word „history”.
Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg
Forms of governments have always
been mortal.
Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich
One demands...sacrifice and courage,
valor, loyalty, faith and heroism, and that portion of a folk will report,
which calls these virtues its own. This, however, was at all times that factor,
which made history.
Speech of September 3, 1933
Folks without character have no
right to existence in the world.
Speech of November 9, 1933 in Munich
Lacking possibility of existence
(has) always been a source of conflicts between folks.
Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin
In the final analysis it was the
Aryan alone, who founds states and is able to lead toward a future.
Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich
Even the republics of antiquity with
steel-hard state attitude have in times of distress resorted to the dictator.
When the life of folks is at stake, then folk representations, parliaments and
even provincial assemblies are of no use, then only giants are of use.
Speech of May 4, 1923 in Munich
We have the so-called „White race”, which
since the collapse of the world of antiquity in the course of roughly a
thousand years has gained a position of advantage for itself in the world.
I cannot comprehend the economically
privileged position of mastery of the White race compared to the rest of the
world, if I do not bring it into the closest connection to a political view of
mastery, which has belonged to the White race as something self-evident for
many centuries and which has been represented by it outwardly.
Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf
The German folk did not emerge any
differently than almost all the other really creative cultured folks of the
world known to us: A small, talented race with organizational ability and
culturally creative has in the course of many centuries overlapped other folks
and in part absorbed them, in part adapted to them. All individual components
of our folk have naturally brought their special abilities into the federation.
But it was created by only one single, folk-forming and state-forming core.
This core folk imposed its language, naturally not without borrowing from the
subjugated, and it finally subjected all to a common fate for so long that the
life of the state-folk became inseparably bound with the life of the gradually
absorbed other components. Out of victors and vanquished have long since become
a community: It is our present German folk.
Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg
Germany once - as the first
prerequisite for our folk’s general organization - had a world-view basis in
our religion, Christianity. When this world-view basis was shaken, we see how
the nation’s energy turned from external fighting to internal fighting...That
was the great time of the civil wars, the religious wars etc., fighting and
chaos, in which either a new world-view was found and there upon a nation again
built, which can direct its energy outward, or in which a folk divides and
decays. In Germany this process occurred in downright classic form. The
religious fighting meant a withdrawal of all German energy inward, a soaking
and consuming of this energy domestically and thus automatically a slowly
growing lack of reaction to foreign- political, great world events, which now
find the folk totally inactive, because it simultaneously possesses internal tensions,
which push for a settlement. It is wrong to say: World politics, the world
situation alone determined Germany’s fate in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries. No, our internal condition back then helped to shape the world
situation under which we later suffered so greatly: the division of the world
without Germany.
Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf
The history of the last 150 years
should, through all its changing course, have taught both folks (Frenchmen and
Germans) one thing, that major changes, despite all the loss of blood, are no
longer possible in the long run.
Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin
We are moved by the reference to the
unfortunately all too sad truth that both great folks (Germans and Frenchmen)
have so often in history sacrificed the blood of their best youths and men. I
speak in the name of the whole German folk, when I assure that we are all
filled with the sincere wish to purge a hostility, whose sacrifices stand in no
relation to any possible gain.
Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin
More often than once in German
history the rulers have been compelled to opposition against the so-called
ruling classes. In Brandenburg they were compelled to take a position against
the nobility and support themselves on broader masses of the bourgeoisie. What
was the great struggle of the Flohenzollern other than a struggle for the
breaking of individual predominations of stubborn nobles and arrangement and
integration into the state at any price!
Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich
It was Friedrich Wilhelm (I.), who
founded state authority, it was the great king, who declared: „I am a servant
of the state!” That was true in the same way down to the very old heroic Kaiser
(Wilhelm I.).
Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich
One has spoken so much of the
absolutist era of the past, of the absolutism of Frederick the Great and the
democratic era of our parliamentarian epoch. Seen from the standpoint of the
folk, the time back then was the more objective one; they could really perceive
the nation’s interests more objectively, while the later time descended more
and more to purely the representation of the interests of individual strata.
That is proven more distinctly by nothing other than the idea of class struggle
itself.
Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin
That the so-called „enlightened
absolutism” of a Frederick the Great was possible, was only because this man
would have been able to arbitrarily decide over the well-being or the woe of
his so-called „subjects”, but that he did not do that, rather that he decided,
carried and driven by the sole idea of the wellbeing of his Prussian folk.
Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich
Did Frederick the Great perhaps make
his resistance against all of Europe dependent on a - plebiscite of his army? I
believe many would have perhaps rather gone home: One must act!
Speech of August 21, 1923 in Munich
Frederick the Great made it come to
pass, after seven years on the day of the end of the great war, to be able to
point to a state, which had, however, been plundered, but which was practically
without one single Reichstaler debt! For seven years long this miracle genius
managed to cover the enormous disbursements for his army without burdening his
folk with a penny of debt - through financial operations, which were, however,
daring: Lowing the quality of money, melting down silver and God knows what the
devil else -, so that, however, when the war was over, Prussia had the
possibility to be able to immediately start with the reconstruction.
Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich
The situation of the fatherland -
according to geography one of the most unfavorable in Europe - was first
comprehended at all by the small Prussian state. Hated, a rival in spiritual
and material terms to all surrounding folks, it was reserved for this small,
exemplary state to become the champion of the German idea until that union of
the German tribes, which basically, despite two won wars, was still not a
union.
Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich
An almost thousand-year-old world of
ideas and social order was (through the French Revolution, 1789) shaken down to
its innermost fundaments.
Speech of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg
Through many centuries emerged the
European states and their borders based on views, which only existed within
exclusively state thinking. With the triumphant breakthrough of the national
idea and the principle of nationality in the course of the previous century,
the seeds for numerous conflicts were sewn, as a result of the non-consideration
of these new ideas by the states, which emerged from other prerequisites.
Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin
In place of the lacking religious
unity (in Germany) - for both denominations have finally frozen in, neither can
overcome the other anymore - a new platform was found: the new state idea,
first legitimized character, and later slowly passing through the era of the
national principle and colored by it. Upon this new platform Germany again
finds itself unified, and piece by piece with (he putting together of the
Reich, which had decayed in old entanglements, the external strength
automatically and permanently increases again.
Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf
When Reich Chancellor debated with
his opponents criticizing him, he finally damned them to respectful silence
through the proclamation of a new German Reich (January 18, 1971) with vast
international prestige and domestic prosperity.
Open Letter to Brüning of December 13, 1931
What did Bismarck commit in the
constitution conflict? He ignored constitution, parliament and the overwhelming
majority and ruled, supported by the state’s means of power alone, by (lie
army, officialdom and the crown. That was designated breech of constitution and
high treason in the oppositional press. What then legalized this deed of
Bismarck? His deed would have perhaps also been high treason, if from this deed
had not come the blessing, which led the German folk to its unity, to its
highest perfection and freedom. On the day when the crown was placed on the
head of the German Kaiser before Paris, the high treason was legalized before
the German folk and the whole world.
Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich
It was one man, who created the
Reich: Bismarck.
Speech on May 4, 1923 in Munich
When Bismarck followed the cultural
striving of the German nation with the state-political unification, it appeared
that a long period of quarrelling and wars among the German tribes had forever
ended.
Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam
The other Versailles of 1870/1871
had been the fruit of a heroic struggle! One had to say that that Reich
founding was unique in German history, the work of the greatest German of the
modern period! Imagine the Kaiser election of Versailles at the same time as
opposed to that shameful scene in the forest of Compiegne. Back then Bismarck,
now a plump, well-fed paunch (Matthias Erzberger)! Marshal Foch asked amazed: „And
that is Germany, before which a thousand times we almost kneeled in defeat?!” -
No, that was also not Germany! You Frenchmen did not overrun it! You have not
defeated Germany, rather you received it through treason as a defenseless
victim.
Speech of September 12, 1933 in Munich
France had two revolutions. Although
they were made by people, not all of whom in the final analysis had France’s
wellbeing in sight, nonetheless each one raised France’s well-being. Especially
the second revolution showed that. When France collapsed in Sedan, one made a
revolution in order to save the sinking tricolors! War was waged with new energy.
The revolutionaries bravely fought countless battles. It was not a symbol of
shame, rather quite the opposite the symbol to preserve the state! French
national honor has been restored by the republic.
Speech of September 12, 1923 in Munich
I may point out that in the year
1870 nobody could doubt the cause of the war back then and hence the war guilt.
And likewise, there could be no doubt that we were the victors back then. But
what did Germany put as burden on the vanquished? The loss of a region, which
had once been of German origin, a financial burden, which stood in no relation
to the wealth of the opponent back then, to its natural resources, a burden,
which was fully covered in just three years, and besides that not a single
clause annoying the folk’s honor, absolutely nothing, which could have in any
manner distressed this folk’s future, no hindrance of its own development, of
its own life, of its possibilities, of its abilities, not the slightest attempt
to hold down its armed forces in the future, no, none of all that. After three
years France was indeed completely free.
Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin
Bismarck...thought the fate of folks
cannot be determined by majority decisions, but also not by treaties, rather
only by blood and iron.
Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich
Europe had fifty years of peace with
this power of Germany (of prewar Germany since the Bismarck era).
Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich
The most powerful party in Germany
was in peace social democracy, powerful first as mass and furthermore powerful
due to highly placed benefactors. At the moment Bismarck stepped down, these
benefactors took the leadership into their hands.
Speech of April 27, 1923 in Munich
The old giant in the German state
life, Bismarck!...When he went, the rule of the halves, of the luke warm came.
Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich
Who was then really the regent in
the year 1914, who could be guilty for the war, the Kaiser? Does one really
believe that this man could unleash a war, which encompassed the whole world?
Who were the advisors of Wilhelm II back then, perhaps the All-Germans? No, the
gentlemen Ballin, Bleichröder, Mendelssohn etc., a whole brood of Hebrews. That
was the inofficial government. What power these people possessed, one could
already see earlier in the days in which the Reich’s founder (Bismarck) had to
leave Berlin, because this court camarilla wanted it so.
Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich
The old Reich at least made an
honest attempt to be social. We had social beginnings to show like no other
land in the whole world! In living quarters and factories there was for the
greater part hygiene, wash rooms, light and air as opposed to the November
republic, whose „residence offices” had people perched in rabbit hutches. The
old Reich built schools, hospitals, economic institutes, which aroused the
amazement and envy of the whole world. In the November republic such cultural
places perished daily. That the old Reich was social in this sense, that it did
not allow itself to see its people just as numbers, therein existed its great
danger for the world stock market.
Speech of April 13, 1923 in Munich
We once had a blossoming Reich. It
was not built upon conquests, on the foreign goods of foreign folks, it was
only the result of an endless work, unspeakable diligence, countless efforts
and cares of our own folk comrades.
Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin
It is the fault of the German folk
that in 1912 it did not piece together itself those three army corps, which a
criminal Reichstag in fathomless badness and stupidity denied! With those
additional 120,000 men the Marne Battle would have been won, the war decided.
Two million German heroes fewer would have sank into the grave! But who knocked
the weapon out of the German folk’s hand in 1912 as well as in 1918? Who back
then as in the last year blinded the German folk with that theory: „The whole
world will thrown down the weapons, if Germany does it”, who? - the
democratic-Marxist Jew, who at the same hour and up to the present agitated and
agitates the others to armament and to subjugation of „barbaric” Germany.
Speech of April 13, 1923 in Munich
There was a time, when we were
affluent, a wealthy folk and yet inwardly poor, divided and disunited, a folk,
which no longer knew what to do with its material wealth.
Speech of June 18, 1934 in Gera
England has well recognized this
first principle (without power no successful economic policy) of state life, of
state health and for centuries acts according to the principle of transforming
economic strength into political power, and political power must again the
other way around protect economic life.
Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich
England with the eternally constant
goal, to balkanize Europe and establish a European balance of power, so that
its global position is not threatened. It is not a principle enemy Germany,
rather the power, which tries to achieve the first position in Europe.
Speech of March 27, 1924 in Munich
Because this last social state of the
world (Germany) had to be smashed, twenty-six folks of the world were agitated
against each other by this press, which finds itself exclusively in the
possession of one and the same global folk (the Jews), one and the same race,
which is basically mortally hostile to all national states!
Speech of April 13, 1923 in Munich
Conflicts in Europe before the World
War:...England and Russia were in trade competition in the lowlands of Bengal,
in Afghanistan etc. England already stood 140 years in competition with France
for hegemony. Despite the jointly waged robber war they have remained old
rivals down to this hour. France on the other hand had a conflict of interest
with Italy, especially in North Africa. On the other hand, no conflict ever
existed between Germany and Russia, quite the opposite, the industrial state
Germany urgently needed additional years of peace, the agrarian state Russia
needed many other things, but in no way any territorial expansion at the
expense of Imperial Germany. Likewise, there was no friction at all between
Germany and Italy: Nonetheless, in a cunningly conducted game of intrigue first
Russia was agitated against Germany and finally the whole world against us.
The lies of Germany’s war guilt: For
neither the Kaiser nor the government nor the folk wanted this war!
Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam
Germany or its government supposed
bear the guilt for the outbreak of the (World) War: This claim was knowingly
and objectively false.
Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin
We cannot state to the world often
enough that the claim of Germany’s guilt for the war is untrue, that it was
signed against knowing better out of fear. For us this is a warning not to
resort to a like lie out of fear of the present.
Speech of November 1, 1933 in Weimar
Again and again we must freely and
publicly affirm to the world that one has not convinced the German folk and
cannot convince it that it bears the guilt for this terrible war.
Speech of November 2, 1933 in Essen
Without guilt for the war our folk
became a victim of the same!
Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin
The Germanic folk fought so
heroically only because it was devoutly convinced it had been unjustly attacked
and hence in the right in the fight. Of the greatness of the sacrifices, which
it back then - dependent almost on itself alone - had to make, other nations
hardly had an idea! If in these months (end of 1918) the world had extended its
hand in a fair manner to the sunken down opponent, much suffering and countless
disappointments would have been spared humanity!
Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin
The German folk lost this World War,
because it believed there could perhaps be unvanquished, and did not comprehend
that in this world there are only victors or servants.
Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich
All of present Russia now presents
nothing more than a ruined culture and a ripe colony for management by foreign
capital.
Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich
That, what happened in 1918, was not
high treason, rather treason against the land, which can never be legalized.
Speech of February 26, 1924 in Munich
That is the guilt of the Jew, that
he agitated the broad mass into the insanity of November...
Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich
And at home: A political leadership
wavers and collapses before a band of pitiful deserters, because they were too
cowardly to stand before the enemy, and the homeland capitulates to these
cowards. One should not say: „There was no other way.” - Only for this
leadership was there no other way!
Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin
When in November 1918 the collapse
came, we felt the crush of this catastrophe doubly hard because not the army as
such failed, rather the homeland.
Speech to the folk comrades in Danzig of May
27, 1933
The monarchy died at the moment when
none of the twenty-six monarchs - in accordance to Bismarck’s demand - were
ready to die fighting on the steps of the throne.
Speech of August 21, 1923 in Munich
If the republic had called out on
the day of its founding: „Germans, gather, resist! The fatherland, the republic
expects of you that you fight to the last breath!” millions, who you today have
as opponents, would have been fanatical republicans!
Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich
One should just remember the
attitude toward the revolution (1918)!: Who made it? A tiny fraction of the
populace. The great part of the folk wanted peace, but not a pig pen. But the
revolution proved itself to be totally incapable of bringing this peace, quite
the opposite: It did not want to bring it at all.
Speech of April 20, 1923 in Munich
The revolution of November 1918
ended a struggle, which the German nation had entered with the most sacred
conviction of only protecting its freedom and hence its life right.
Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam
With a, I want to say: bronze
firmness these states (England and France) are in Jewish shackles, as long as
the Jew himself does not sense the necessity and the expediency of a change in
this condition. This change, however, will come there as well in the
foreseeable future.
Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich
For two millennia our folk has been
accompanied by this changing fate. Again and again, the rise follows the fall.
The causes were always the same. The German, buried in himself, disunited in
spirit, divided in his wanting and thus impotent indeed, become lethargic in
the assertion of his own life. He dreams of right in the stars and loses the
ground on earth.
Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam
After a time of heroic rise, rich
blossoming and prospering in all areas of our life, have (since November 1918)
- as so often in the past - distress and poverty come again.
The „achievements of the (November)
revolution” were - taken altogether - only for the smallest portion of our folk
pleasant ones, but for the overwhelming majority, leastwise insofar as they had
to earn their daily bread through honest work - infinitely sad ones.
Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin
The sum of distress, suffering and misery,
which have since then come to small worker families and small households,
cannot be justified by the criminals of November 1918. So, they should not
complain about anything today. We did not take revenge. If we wanted to take
revenge - we would have had to slain them by the tens of thousands!
Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin
The revolution (1918) also did not
create a single monetary asset for the German folk, rather a vast pile of bogus
paper notes.
Speech of August 1, 1923 in Munich
So we were the first who declared
that this peace treaty (of Versailles) was a crime.
Speech of April 12, 1922 in Munich
The peace treaty of Versailles is no
peace treaty. It belongs, on the contrary, to the category of those political
tribute diktats, which carry within them the seed for later wars.
Open letter to Brüning of October 14, 1931
Peace Treaty of Versailles: This
treaty is based on two false premises. First: The outbreak of the war, in which
there must naturally always be victor and vanquished, could for time eternal
now be the valid legal norm in the life of folks, that means for always the
victor would also be in the right and the vanquished without rights. This is an
impossible premise, upon which no community of folks can be built. The second
premise, which is just as false, is this: to believe one folk is better off,
the more another folk is worse off- a monstrous mistake!
Speech of November 10, 1933 in Berlin
The last peace...was not to be
measured with the ruler of reason at all. What does it have to do with reason,
if on the one hand one cannot remove from the planet the fact of a sixty-five
million nation and on the other hand takes away its life possibilities? This
peace treaty is based on the capitalist error that the misfortune of one must
be the good fortune of the other, on the error that the economic misfortune of
one folk would bring the economic good fortune of the other.
Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin
From the absurdity of eternal
victors and eternal vanquished came the lunacy of reparations and as a result
the catastrophe of the world economy.
Speech of March 21, 1933 in Potsdam
The „reparation” is nothing more
than a „legal means” in order to ruin a state with the appearance of right.
Speech of May 4, 1923 in Munich
Germany has with downright suicidal
loyalty fulfilled the imposed obligations despite their inherent
unreasonableness and the foreseeable consequences.
Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin
When has ever a peace been concluded
in the world, which does not even reveal to the opponent a fixed sum of the
debt, rather simply says: This folk obligates to pay, what is later accessed?
And what was assessed? One never reached a final result in this assessment. The
sums fluctuated between 100 and 200 billion, sums, which naturally could never
be paid at all.
Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin
440 paragraphs (contained in the
Versailles Treaty), of which most make one’s face turn red while reading, a
peace, which is not to be compared with similar events in previous times.
Speech of October 24, 1924 in Berlin
What purpose do demands have, if the
one, who signs them, knows: „I cannot fulfill that at all” - and the opponent
also says: „We do not believe that you can fulfill that!” - what meaning does
all that have?
Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin
There is no recovery of the German
folk with this peace treaty...! The treaty is made in order to kill off twenty
million Germans and to ruin the German nation.
Speech of April 17, 1923 in Munich
The peace treaty is unbearable: Its
economic execution invariably means our political enslavement, its political
execution leads to economic enslavement. Therefore, the elimination of this
treaty is a necessity, it is the prerequisite for any at all possible later
recovery.
Speech of April 20, 1923 in Munich
It would have to be the goal of any
permanent treaty not to rip wounds or keep open existing ones, rather to close
wounds and to heal.
Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin
For all the present unrest causing
problems lie in the shortcomings of the peace treaty, which was not able to
contemplate for all time the most important and decisive questions of that
time, to clearly and rationally solve them. Neither the national nor the
economic or even the legal matters and demands of the folks were solved by this
treaty in a manner that they could stand up forever to the critique of reason.
It is thus natural that the idea of a revision not only belongs to the
permanent accompanying manifestations of the effects of this treaty, rather the
revision was even foreseen by its authors as necessary and thus has a legal
anchor in the treaty itself.
Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin
This treaty has the idea everywhere:
How can one artificially maintain the discord for the future?
Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin
It is not to be contested that after
more than thirteen years of this peace treaty, Europe has brought no peace,
rather eternal disquiet, unrest, distrust, insecurity, desperation.
Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin
Armies of millions of unemployed are
the living witness to the unreasonableness of those who made these treaties.
Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin
The greatest atrocities in Germany
happen in the name of the Peace Treaty of Versailles. Due to the peace treaty
about
20.0 people
take their own life in Germany annually, and those were decent people, decent
people, who could no longer live decently, because this treaty has destroyed
all life prospects and life possibilities.
Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin
Since the day of the signing of this
treaty, which was supposed to be the cornerstone for a new and better future
for all folks, 224.0 people - almost
solely out of need and misery - with their free will took their own lives, men and
women, oldsters and children!
Speech of May 17, 1933 in Berlin
If the peace treaty could have come
in the form in which it was burdened upon us, then only because Germany at the
point in time of its composition had totally ceased to somehow be a significant
factor. And if this peace treaty in its effect took the forms, which we all
recognize in it and experienced, then also only because in all these years a
Germany of whatever kind of specific and discernible will of its own did not
exist. We are thus not the victims of the treaties, rather the treaties are the
consequences of our mistakes, and I must, if I want to improve the situation at
all, first again change the value of the nation.
Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf
The craziest political and economic
burdens of this treaty have fundamentally destroyed the German folk’s trust in
any judicial justice in this world. Among many millions of people, however,
invariably feelings of hatred were incited against a world order, in which the
ongoing defamation and discrimination against a great folk was supposed to be
possible simply because it once had the misfortune to lose a war forced upon it
after heroic resistance.
Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin
Not the proletarian has become
master, rather the Galician Jew replaced falling kings.
Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich
But if the republic (of 1918) would
at least satisfy the stomach, if it were at least a „social republic”! But it
is not that either. It is neither national nor social.
Speech of April 24, 1923 in Munich
We know after all that a great man,
who today - we can say: decisively - has intervened in world history, Benito
Mussolini, found his way back to his folk in this honor of realization.
Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin
Fascism as an example-giving
historical deed (accomplished) the salvation of the Italian folk.
It is the final triumph of the old
army that the national Germany in the year 1925 found no better representative
than the... General Field-Marshal of the World War (P. v. Hindenburg).
Speech of August 7, 1934 in Tannenberg
In the life of folks there are years
in which the decision over existence or non-existence is made for coming
centuries.
Speech of February 7, 1934 in Berlin
Great changes cannot take place in
the life of folks, if not - I almost want to say - an urgent need for them is
present. One can make no really deep reaching revolution, if the folk does not
inwardly shout for such a revolution.
Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin
You will never bring the Bavarian
name more honor than if Bavaria becomes bound to the liberation of the German
nation from its accursed enemy domestically and to the recovery only possible
thereby.
Speech of September 5, 1923 in Munich
Not the will and the self-determination
right of the German people do we want to rape, rather only drive out the
rapists of the nation.
Speech of July 13, 1934 in Berlin
On January 30, 1933 the National
Socialist party was entrusted with the political leadership of the Reich, at the
end of March the National Socialist revolution was externally concluded.
Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg
On January 30, 1933 a new government
was not formed still again, rather a new power eliminated an old and sick era.
The National Socialist revolution
would not have succeeded, if it had not come from world-view foundations.
Speech of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg
And when I bring up the atrocity of
say the French Revolution (of 1789), then I can only say: We have at any rate
not set up any guillotines, we have created no Vendee in Germany! Even the
worst elements, we have merely segregated from the nation. Unfortunately, the
rest of the world will not take them off our hands; we would gladly place them
at their disposal.
Speech of October 24. 1933 in Berlin
The prerequisites for this process
(of the National Socialist revolution) invariably formed and resulted from the
development of long years. A terrible distress cried for relief, so that the
hour just waited for the will, which was ready to carry out the historical
mission.
Speech of January 30, 1934 in Berlin
Unfortunately, fate did not make us
the inheritor of a booming business, rather of a totally bankrupt enterprise.
Speech of September 9, 1934 at Bückeberg
From the whole Reich came a single
cry for help: the cities before financial ruin, the provinces and village
communities before collapse or better right in their midst industry facing the
closing of the last factories, trade facing complete cessation, the peasantry
in many regions in the middle of foreclosure, a third of all work-able people
damned to unemployment lines and everywhere debts and empty cash-boxes!
Speech of September 30, 1934 at Bückeberg
God first let our folk triumph for
four and a half years, then humiliated us, imposed a time of shamelessness upon
us, but has now after a fourteen-year struggle allowed us to reach its
overcoming.
Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich
This struggle for the rejuvenation
of our folk was continuously made more difficult by the fact that countless
people simply do not wish for the success so necessary for the nation, simply
because it contradicted and opposed their party doctrine and their special
interests. We could never tell of these people whether they perhaps asked
themselves whether our struggle for the freedom and for the daily bread of our
folk would be successful. No, we always just saw furious disappointment, if the
hoped for failure did not come. Many things would go better and above all more
easily in Germany, if these interested parties of German fractionalization and
impotence would not in every way possible create obstacles for the nation’s
resurrection.
Speech of September 30, 1934 at the Bückeberg
As so often in German history it
will again be proven that the German folk, the greater the distress becomes,
has all the more strength to find the path upward and forward.
Speech of May 10, 1933 in Berlin
After fifteen years of desperation a
great folk has again steadied itself, determinedly begun to struggle for its
life in order to, under its own energy and according to its own purpose, shape
it anew.
Speech of May 1, 1933 in Berlin
We all feel it today that two worlds
struggle with each other and not only among us, rather everywhere we look, in
now oppressed Russia and in Italy, in France and in England etc., a pitiless
struggle between the ideals of the national-folkish inclined and the intangible
supra-governmental international.
Speech of July 28, 1922 in Munich
When has the German folk ever broken
its word? It has, unfortunately, mostly kept its word too stubbornly and all
too faithfully! If we had not stood by our allies in the World War so
stubbornly and loyally, then Germany would have perhaps done better. We protest
against it that one wants to judge the character of a folk by its emigrants. We
also do not judge other folks by those would curse their state to us. We do not
insult Englishmen and Frenchmen based on somebody who ran off, who is just as
little at home here as previously in Paris and tomorrow in London. Those are
not the valuable elements of a nation. Valuable are those who are there, who
work and produce, and not the international gypsies.
Speech of November 10, 1933 in Berlin
We have learned from history that in
the long run life is given to those folks, who are willing to represent their
life, their honor before the world.
Speech of October 24, 1933 in Berlin
The German folk is convinced that
its military honor has remained pure and spotless in a thousand battles.
Speech of October 14, 1933 in Berlin
It is the blood substance of our
nation, which has in long centuries again and again proven itself, which we
recognized and which therefore also never lets us despair.
Speech of May 1, 1934 in Berlin
It (German posterity) will one day
be our judge, and I know it will let us enter into the pantheon of national
history. It will ascertain and affirm: Here, for the first time after a
thousand years of failure and wrong paths, men have put together the German
people and created one folk from the inside out.
Speech of March 20, 1934 in Munich
World history is even today much
less a portrayal of the normal course and flow of the life of folks than much
more a treatment of their critical years.
Speech of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg
Already in the term „world-view”
lies the solemn proclamation of the decision to base all action on a specific
starting view and thus visible tendency. Such a view can be correct or
incorrect: It is the starting point for the taking of a position toward all
manifestations and events of life and thus a binding and obligating law for all
working. The more such a view coincides with the natural laws of organic life,
the more useful will their conscious application be for the life of a folk.
Speech September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg
All historically determinable
world-views are only comprehensible in their connect to the life purposes and
life-view of specific races. It is hence very difficult to take a position
regarding the correctness or incorrectness of such views, if one does not check
their effect on people to which one wants to know them applied or not.
Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg
What perhaps only a few
philosophically talented spirits are in the position to scientifically analyse,
the spirit of the unspoiled man feels with sure instinct.
Speech of September 8. 1934 in Nuremberg
Woe, if today this idealism in our
folk perishes and the person’s worth is supposed to be measured according to
the external luxuries of life, which have fallen to him. The worth of our folk
would then no longer be a great one and its existence not a long one!
Speech of May 1, 1933 in Berlin
If...the National Socialist mission is supposed to obtain its inner
justification, then it will have to lift German man from the depth of a solely
materialistic life-view to the heights of a worthy representation of that, which
we mean by the term „human being”.
Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg
At all times...world-views have
determined not only the essence of politics, rather also the image of cultural
life. The poets have sung of heroes, if heroic times had them appear, or they
enter the lowlands of everyday life, if the time became non-heroic and people
corresponding to it set the tone.
Speech of September 1, 1933 in Nuremberg
The cosmopolitan contemplativeness
is rapidly disappearing. Heroism passionately rises as the coming shaper and
leader of political fates.
Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin
Nietzsche’s words that a blow, which
does not knock a man down, only makes him stronger, finds its thousandfold
confirmation.
Speech of September 3, 1933 in Nuremberg
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