This essay, written in June 1995, is based on documentation provided by
Robert Faurisson. Copies of the French-language text have been sent to key
French government and police authorities.
In its issue of June 1991, the French monthly Le Choc du mois ("The
Shock of the Month") published a rather lengthy report entitled
"Jewish Militants: Fifteen Years of Terrorism" ("Milices juives.
Quinze ans de terrorisme," pp. 7-13). Under the main headline, a subtitle
summed up:
"Jewish Action Group," "Jewish Combat Organization,"
"Jewish Defense Organization"... Under these various names, Jewish
activists for 15 years have unceasingly sown terror [in France] with total
impunity. Provocations that have no other aim than to incite reprisals. As if
certain people wanted the [French] Jewish community to feel threatened ...
The report reviews 50 cases of physical aggression committed by organized
Jewish groups during the period from June 19, 1976, to April 20, 1991. Not
mentioned, therefore, are physical attacks committed by individual Jews (which
are, in any case, rare).
The victims of the 50 cases listed by Le Choc du mois, who number in the
hundreds, suffered: loss of life, an eye put out, acid throwing, numerous
hospitalizations, injuries followed by deep coma, lifetime disabilities, and
serious post-traumatic conditions, "the commission of barbaric acts,"
severe beatings in the presence of policemen who refused to intervene, and
numerous ambush attacks (in one case with the complicity of the daily newspaper
Libération).
Most of these acts of aggression were passed over in silence by the media
or only briefly reported. Some were applauded by Jewish publications or
organizations which, in general, after a few pro forma words of censure,
suggested that the victims deserved their fate, that such attacks are
"only natural and normal," and that no one need expect any leniency
in future if he should ever again arouse Jewish "anger."
It is worthy of note that not one Jew has been the victim of a single
attack in revenge by any "revisionist" or so-called "extreme
right" group. (Although the press routinely lumps "revisionism"
and the "extreme right" together, in reality historical revisionism
receives support from thinking persons of all possible political views, from
the ultra-left to the extreme right, and of all parties, except the Communists.
Paul Rassinier, regarded as the founder of Holocaust revisionism in France, was
a Socialist.)
From among the many attacks committed by Jewish militants or organizations,
we shall confine ourselves here to mentioning only those involving the
following victims: François Duprat, a GRECE conference, Marc Fredriksen
(twice), Charles Bousquet, Michel Caignet, Pierre Sidos, Olivier Mathieu,
Pierre Guillaume, the "Friends of Saint-Loup," and Robert Faurisson.
Many other cases from the 1976-1991 period could be mentioned. (For example, on
November 2, 1976, the building in which "National Front" leader
Jean-Marie Le Pen was living had to be entirely destroyed after being rocked
from top to bottom of its five floors in a dynamiting for which a "Jewish
Remembrance Group" claimed responsibility. On April 2, 1991, Fabrice
Benichou, a newsboy died in his home after having been beaten up while selling
a weekly paper in the Sentier Jewish quarter of Paris.)
François Duprat
François Duprat, a member of the leadership of the National Front party,
and an author and distributor of revisionist writings, was killed in his car on
March 18, 1978, when it was blown up with a sophisticated bomb. His wife was
severely injured. A "Remembrance Commando" claimed responsibility for
the crime. In keeping with the practice of "Nazi hunters" Serge and
Beate Klarsfeld, Patrice Chairoff had published in Dossier néonazisme
("The Neo-Nazi File," 1977), the name and address of Duprat, and of
several other persons who were suspected of fascism, neo-Nazism, or revisionism
(Le Monde, March 23, 1978, p. 7; April 26, 1978, p. 9).
In Le Droit de vivre ("The Right to Live"), the periodical of the
"International League Against Racism and Anti-Semitism" ("Ligue
internationale contre le racisme et l'antisémitisme," LICRA), Jean
Pierre-Bloch, the publication's director, commented on Duprat's murder without
saying a single word about the wife's injuries. His comments reflect a
cabalistic mentality: while affecting disapproval of this "infamous"
crime, he expresses the view that, in his opinion, the crime is due to the fact
that in the years 1977-78 "anarchy and the reign of political score-settling"
took hold in France, and that "criminal accusations were made against the
immigrants, Jews or Gypsies." Jean Pierre-Bloch thus equates indisputable
criminal actions with "criminal accusations," of which he in fact indicates
neither the purport nor the consequences. Still more revealing is the following
passage in his statement: "Yes, it is true. We are ready to fight and to
die to permit our adversaries to say in complete freedom what they think as
long as they don't defend crime or harbor racial hatred." In the context
of this murder, these words constitute a warning to anyone who might displease
the Jews by following Duprat's example (Le Monde, May 7-8, 1978).
A few months later, Jean Pierre-Bloch described Robert Faurisson, Europe's
foremost revisionist scholar, as an imitator of Louis Darquier de Pellepoix,
Commissioner General of Jewish affairs in the wartime Vichy government, and
then proclaimed: "Darquier will be extradited. Those who follow in his
path can forget about living to a ripe old age. Sooner or later they will find
the anti-racists on their trail." (Le Droit de vivre, Dec. 1978, p. 23).
LICRA was founded in 1927 by Bernard Lecache under the name "League
Against Pogroms" ("Ligue contre les pogroms") to defend the
Russian Jew Shalom Schwarzbart, who had assassinated Ukrainian General Simon
Petlura in Paris the previous year. The public clamor organized on behalf of
the assassin led to his acquittal. Similar public campaigns would much later
lead to the acquittal of other assassins (such as the May 5, 1976, acquittal of
the thug and murderer Pierre Goldmann).
Following the murder of François Duprat, an article appeared in the leading
French daily Le Monde about an English revisionist pamphlet that had been
distributed in France by Duprat. This article by journalist Pierre
Viansson-Ponté, a smear job pure and simple, failed to make any mention of
Duprat's assassination ("Le mensonge (suite)" ["The Lie
(continued)"], Le Monde, 3-4 Sept. 1978, p. 9).
A GRECE Conference
On December 9, 1979, about a hundred individuals wearing helmets attacked
the 14th national conference of GRECE (Groupe d'études et de recherches sur la
civilisation européenne, "Group for the Study and Research of European
Civilization"). Wrecking the book stands, they displayed banners bearing
the name "Organisation juive de défense" (OJD, "Jewish Defense
Organization"). Fifteen or so of the conference attendees were injured.
One of them lost an eye. Several of the assailants were arrested by the police,
and then released that same afternoon on the intervention of Jean-Pierre
Pierre-Bloch, the son of Jean Pierre-Bloch and a friend of Jacques Chirac
[currently President of France]. Jean-Pierre Pierre-Bloch had been involved,
and would also later be involved, in other attacks and intercessions on behalf
of these same attackers.
Marc Fredriksen
On September 19, 1980, a commando group of the "Jewish Defense
Organization" (OJD) attacked sympathizers of Marc Fredriksen, an executive
of FANE ("Fédération d'action nationale et européenne," or
"National and European Action Federation"), at the Paris Palace of
Justice (court house). Six persons were injured, two of them seriously. The
Palace of Justice guards, although charged with maintaining order, permitted
the Jewish militants in this case, as in all other similar circumstances, to
act without or almost without hindrance.
On this occasion Jean Pierre-Bloch announced: "The law of retaliation
might well appear again ... If a single one of our own is harmed, we shall
apply the formula: an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth ... If we have to
organize militarily, we shall do so" (Le Monde, Oct. 1, 1980). The phrase
"If a single one of our own is harmed ..." indicates that not a
single Jew had been harmed. And what was true in 1980 is still true in 1995. In
the course of their fighting against nationalists or revisionists the Jews
harm, wound or kill but are themselves never harmed, wounded or killed. If a
French "right wing" group had harmed a Jew, the media of the entire
world would have played up the attack, with shocking photographs of the victim,
gruesome details about the injury, follow-up interviews, and outraged
commentary.
Charles Bousquet, Mark Fredriksen
On October 3, 1980, an attack against the Paris synagogue in the rue
Copernic, which resulted in four dead and 27 wounded, received enormous
international media coverage. The four dead were passersby, among them an
Israeli woman whose presence has never been explained. That same day Interior
Minister Christian Bonnet received information that allowed him to determine
that this was a Palestinian attack, but under pressure from Jewish
organizations and with the cooperation of the major newspapers, he let it be
assumed that this was an action of the extreme right. It was later learned that
the attack was actually committed by a Palestinian from Cyprus.
On the same evening as the synagogue attack, the FANE headquarters were
wrecked and the Librairie française bookstore on the rue de l'Abbé-Grégoire
street in Paris was the target of a new arson attempt. This bookstore, owned by
Jean-Gilles Malliarakis, would undergo more than ten attacks or attempts over a
period of just a few years. The headquarters of a small political party,
l'Oeuvre française, directed by Pierre Sidos was machine-gunned. Lynching
scenes unfolded in Paris, as groups of Jewish demonstrators attacked lone young
passersby who were singled out because they were tall, blond, and with short
hair (Le Monde, Oct. 9, 1980, p. 12).
A few days later, on October 7, Charles Bousquet, 84 years old, was
attacked in his home in Neuilly with sulfuric acid by a group of unknown men
who had apparently mistaken him for the militant nationalist, Pierre Bousquet
(no relation to René Bousquet). He was hospitalized for a month at Foch Hospital
in the major burns ward, and suffered after-effects from his injuries. He
refused to press charges because his son Pierre, a professor of history at the
University of Paris IV, has asked him not to "on account of the
Israelites." He said: "They'll be in Jerusalem or Tel Aviv, the ones
who did it. It would all be useless. I want to forget it" (during a
conversation with R. Faurisson, May 2, 1984).
On October 12, 1980, Mark Fredriksen was beaten up and admitted to the
Rambouillet hospital in serious condition. His apartment was torn apart in his
absence. While under treatment at Berck-sur-Mer for multiple fractures, he came
close to suffering another attack: three young men showed up and asked to see
him; their description matched that of the Aziza team that subsequently
attacked Michel Caignat with acid (see below).
On October 20, 1980, the writer André Figuéras was attacked at his
residence.
Michel Caignet
On the morning of January 29, 1981, Michel (Miguel) Caignet, a 26-year-old
Sorbonne student who was preparing for a doctorate in Anglo-German linguistics,
had just left his residence in Courbevoie to go to the university when he was
accosted by four individuals. They knocked him down and prevented him from
moving. One of the four attackers sprayed his face and his right hand with
sulfuric acid.
Caignet had belonged to FANE, and he was a revisionist. He had been
denounced by the weekly VSD (Vendredi/Samedi/ Dimanche). Following the attack
with acid, his face looked so hideous that only two newspapers ventured to
publish his photograph. The principal perpetrator of the attack, Yves Aziza, a
medical student and the son of Charles Aziza (an assistant pharmacist at
Montreuil), was identified by the police within an hour of the crime. But in
this case, as in others, the French police and courts scandalously permitted
Yves Aziza to flee to Germany and to Israel. At the Justice Ministry, an
official named Main at the criminal affairs bureau (headed by Raoul Béteille)
sarcastically evaded every question put to him with regard to the 14-day delay
in opening a judicial inquiry. Among Yves Aziza's correspondents was Daniel
Ziskind, the son of Michèle Ziskind, sister of Jean-Pierre Pierre-Bloch, who is
himself the son of Jean Pierre-Bloch.
Pierre Sidos
On September 18, 1981, 200 members of the Organisation juive de combat
(OJC) or "Jewish Combat Organization" laid down the law at the Palace
of Justice in Paris, where the defamation trial brought by Pierre Sidos,
president of l'Oeuvre française, against Jean-Pierre Bloch was taking place. As
usual, Jewish thugs beat up several of the spectators.
On November 25, 1981, the premises of the études et documentation bookstore
were set on fire by a commando group.
On May 8, 1988, at Saint-Augustin Square in Paris, OJC commandos used iron
bars to attack l'Oeuvre française supporters who were taking part in the
traditional parade in honor of Joan of Arc. Some 15 supporters were injured,
two of them very seriously. Four of the victims were hospitalized. A
septuagenarian remained in a coma for several weeks. Ten OJC members were
questioned by the police. That same afternoon Jean-Pierre Pierre-Bloch
interceded with the criminal police investigation unit (police judiciaire) on
their behalf. Legal proceedings were instituted against some of the attackers.
Some attackers were released with the following notation by the examining
magistrate: "preliminary examination inopportune." Other attackers
were tried, though not without pressure "from the highest political
level" being brought to bear on the public prosecutor's office. In total,
only three of the attackers were tried. Each received a two-year suspended (!)
prison sentence.
Olivier Mathieu
On February 6, 1990, millions of viewers witnessed the brutal attack
against Olivier Mathieu during a television broadcast emceed by Christophe
Dechavanne. Jean-Pierre Pierre-Bloch came on to the stage with a group of OJC
militants. Mathieu had just time enough to exclaim: "Faurisson is
right." Then ten or so of the thugs severely beat him, his fiancee, and
Marc Botrel. Among those present was an important figure among Jewish
militants: Moshe Cohen, a former second lieutenant of the Israeli army and an
officer at the time of the Tagar organization, the student branch of the Betar
(59 boulevard de Strasbourg, Paris Xe). The attacks continued off stage and out
into the street. One attacker was questioned by the police, but released a few
hours later on the intercession of Jean-Pierre Pierre-Bloch.
Pierre Guillaume
Pierre Guillaume, a leftist, is in charge of the Vieille Taupe ("Old
Mole") publishers, which has issued a number of revisionist works,
including those of Professor Faurisson. He has been the victim of a number of
serious attacks, both against his person -- at the Sorbonne, in his Paris bookstore,
and at the Palace of Justice in Paris (where the guards did not intervene) --
as well as against his property (book warehouse, video equipment, bookstore).
In 1991, groups of demonstrators, most of them Jews, laid siege to his
bookstore in the rue d'Ulm on a regular basis. As a result of various acts of
violence (breaking shop windows, spraying chemical products, physical
intimidation, etc.), they finally succeeded in closing it.
The 'Friends of Saint-Loup'
On April 20, 1991, at the "Maison des Mines" building in Paris,
about 50 individuals claiming to be members of the Groupe d'action juive (GAJ),
or "Jewish Action Group," and armed with iron bars and baseball bats,
attacked the attendees of a meeting of the "Friends of Saint-Loup"
("Les Amis de Saint-Loup"), named after a deceased writer whose real
name was Marc Augier. Thirteen persons, most of them elderly, were injured, two
of them very seriously. Juliette Cavalié, 67 years of age, was taken to Beaujon
Hospital where she lapsed into a coma that lasted three months. After regaining
consciousness, she was condemned to spend the rest of her days unable to walk
or even to feed herself. Alain Léauthier, a journalist for Libération and a
relative of the socialist deputy and Jewish zealot Julien Dray, witnessed the attack
from beginning to end, and provided a smug and ironical report of it
("Zionist commando unit invites itself to the neo-Nazi meeting,"
Liberation, April 22, 1991, p. 28).
Robert Faurisson
Europe's most prominent Holocaust revisionist scholar, Professor Robert
Faurisson, was the victim of ten physical assaults between November 20, 1978,
and May 31, 1993 (two in Lyon, two in Vichy, two in Stockholm and four in
Paris). Seven of these attacks were at the hands of French Jewish organizations
or militants -- two in Lyon, one in Vichy, one in Stockholm (by Swedish Jews
together with French Jews who had come from Paris by plane), one at the
Sorbonne, and one at the Palace of Justice in Paris.
The first of these seven attacks took place on November 20, 1978. It was
lauded in Libération-Lyon by the Jewish journalist Bernard Schalscha, who
reported the day, the place, and the hour of the professor's courses. Members
of the Jewish Students Union who had come by first-class train from Paris
attacked the professor at the University, while Dr. Marc Aron, a cardiologist
and president of the liaison committee of the Jewish institutions and
organizations of Lyon, was present.
The second attack occurred a few weeks later when Faurisson attempted to
resume his courses. On that day as well, Marc Aron was again at the university.
At the Sorbonne, on September 12, 1987, members of a Jewish group of
militants attacked Henry Chauveau, Michel Sergent, Pierre Guillaume, Freddy
Storer (a Belgian), and Professor Faurisson, all of whom were injured.
(Chauveau was seriously injured.) The Sorbonne guards apprehended one of the
attackers. A plainclothes policeman ordered the attacker released and used the
violence as an excuse to expel the professor from the university. (Prof.
Faurisson had once taught at the Sorbonne.)
On September 16, 1989, three men set a trap for Faurisson in a park near
his residence in Vichy as he was out walking his poodle. After spraying a
stinging gas into his face, temporarily blinding him, the assailants punched
him to the ground and then repeatedly kicked him in the face and chest. If a
passerby had not intervened, the attackers' kicks to the head would have been
finished off the 60-year-old scholar. Badly injured, Faurisson had to undergo a
lengthy surgical operation. The crime investigation unit inquiry confirmed that
the attack could be attributed to "young Jewish activists from
Paris."
On the eve of the attack, Faurisson had noted with surprise the presence
near the park of a certain Nicolas Ullmann (born in 1963). On July 12, 1987,
Ullmann had violently struck the professor at the Vichy Sporting-Club. When he
was questioned at the criminal investigation department about his presence in
that area, he denied having been there. Moreover, Ullmann claimed that on the
very day of the attack he had taken part in a masked ball ("bal
masqué") in Paris, so that it would be impossible for anyone other than
his host and friend to vouch for his presence in Paris that day. It should be
noted that the examining magistrate of Cusset, near Vichy, never summoned
Faurisson to hear his testimony. Instead, judge Jocelyne Rubantel merely
received him in her office in Cusset to inform him that she would ask for a
dismissal of the charges -- which she obtained. No search was made of the Paris
headquarters of Betar/Tagar. Such a search would have incited too much
"anger" in the Jewish community.
On October 16, 1989, precisely one month after the attack in Vichy, a bomb
exploded at the door of the offices in Paris of Choc du mois, which were then
ransacked. Credit for the attack was claimed by the "Jewish Combat
Organization" (OJC) and some far left groups. éric Letty, who had devoted
an article in Choc du mois to Professor Faurisson, would have been killed had
he not, by a miracle, detected the imminence of the explosion.
We do not have space here to cite the other attacks against Professor
Faurisson.
Other Cases
Many other cases could be cited of attacks by Jewish groups: in addition to
the incidents during the years 1976-1991 listed in the Choc du mois article,
there are other, unlisted, cases, as well as attacks that have occurred since
1992. To repeat: the total number of victims of Jewish terror amounts to
several hundreds, even though, in contrast, not a single Jew has been the victim
of a concerted or organized attack in France.
On January 14, 1988, in Lyon, Professor Jean-Claude Allard was hospitalized
following a group attack against him for which the OJC claimed responsibility.
The attackers ambushed him in the parking lot of the University of Lyon III. In
June 1985, he had presided over the examining board of the thesis of
revisionist scholar Henri Roques on "The 'Confessions' of Kurt
Gerstein," which have been widely regarded as key evidence for Holocaust
gassings. (In an action without precedent in French academic history, the
thesis' defense was annulled under pressure by "angry" Jews. [The
English-language edition of The 'Confessions' of Kurt Gerstein is published by
the IHR.])
Armed Jewish militants carried out new acts of violence on April 13, 1994,
during a break in the trial of the "hooligans of the Parc des
Princes," a Paris soccer stadium. (At least one of the hooligans was a
Jew.) In this case the victims were policemen. The militants entered the Palace
of Justice with weapons and iron bars, and one of the court house guards was
attacked. "An interesting detail," one Paris paper noted. "No
investigation was made to clear up the affair, and the only arrest made was
that of one of the 'nationalist militants' who had been attacked and ventured
to defend himself." ("Jewish militants make the law," Le Libre
Journal, April 27, 1994, p. 9. See also: "The Betar makes the law in the
Palace of Justice," Rivarol, April 22, 1994, p. 5).
On April 28, 1994, the German citizen Ludwig Watzal, an official guest of
the University of Nanterre (near Paris), was struck by members of Jewish or
leftist organizations.
Many bookstores have been wrecked. In addition to the
Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, Ogmios, Librairie Française, and Librairie de la Vieille Taupe
stores, we may mention the Librairie de la Joyeuse Garde. (In the last-named case, shop windows were broken, steel safety shutters
were glued shut, and excrement was strewn around.) Further targets of attacks,
for which Jewish organizations claimed responsibility, have been offices,
buildings, exhibitions, a book warehouse and a church
(Saint-Nicolas-du-Chardonnet in Paris, on December 21, 1978).
The Most Dangerous Place in France
For those who have been targeted for attack by the Jewish militants, the most
dangerous city in France is Paris. Within Paris, one of the most dangerous
districts is the first district, and within that district the most dangerous
place is the Palace of Justice -- the central courthouse -- and the surrounding
area. Paradoxically, this area is under particularly good police surveillance
because the Palace has its own "military command" consisting of
hundreds of armed guards, and because next to the Palace building is the
"Quai des Orfèvres," headquarters of the police crime investigations
department. As it happens, though, in recent years the guards and police have
permitted many acts of violence to be carried out, especially against
revisionists who have been summoned to court or who come to attend the trials.
When a group of Jewish militants decide to burst into the court building,
the scenario is invariably as follows: the thugs, whose demeanor betrays their
bellicose intentions, are in no way restrained by the guards from their
intended victims. No officer attempts to inform these shock troopers that
violence will not be tolerated. The assailants are permitted to insult, to
provoke, and then to strike their victims. Sometimes guards will make an effort
to protect victims. If a militant calls special attention to himself by extreme
violence, three guards quickly take him away, but then let him go. Once the
militants have completed their brutal work and have disappeared, the guards
hasten to the bloody or swollen victims, fussing over them like concerned
nannies. The victims are never able to get the police to interrogate the
attackers, or even to learn their identities.
On May 9, 1995, a trial in which Professor Faurisson was the defendant was
held in the Criminal Court (17th section of the tribunal correctionnel) without
the interference of such militants. This was not surprising, though, because
attorney Jean-Serge Lorach, who represented the plaintiffs in this case,
announced in his pleading that he had asked "survivors" and reporters
not to attend the trial. All the same, Betar/Tagar chief Moshe Cohen was
present in the court with some colleagues. When the trial finished, Cohen was
at the court building exit with four men (one of whom had a cellular phone) to
keep an eye on Faurisson, his attorney, and others who were accompanying them.
Cohen's team had an unmarked police car (Renault 19 number 356JEK75) parked
near the court building gate, positioned to leave quickly. Cohen, the
Betar/Tagar group's "dirty jobs" specialist, was apparently there
with the authorization of Robert Baujard, police commissioner of Paris' First
District, and with the consent of Colonel Roger Renault, commander of the court
guards, whose orders were to tell the curious that the vehicle belonged
"to the police."
Collusion of the Interior Minister with Jewish Militants
In 1986, when Laurent Fabius was Prime Minister of France, his wife, Mme.
Françoise Castro, revealed that the Jewish militants and the Interior Minister
were working hand in hand. She stated: "An extraordinary novelty in
political behavior: the Left has allowed Jewish militants to establish
themselves in some quarters of Paris and also in Toulouse, Marseille, and
Strasbourg [and to have] regular contacts with the Interior Minister." (Le
Monde, March 7, 1986, p. 8). Castro and Fabius are both Jewish.
By a sort of consensus it seems to be generally agreed that the Jews must
be treated in France as a privileged minority whose "anger" (colère)
must be excused. (This word crops up in the press with nagging persistence.) By
law, private militia groups are not legal in France. But the authorities allow
one exception to this law. Jewish militants are the only ones permitted to bear
arms in France. (See the photograph of a Jew armed with an automatic pistol on
the roof of a building in the rue de Nazareth. Libération, Oct. 14, 1986, p.
56.) France's criminal police investigators are thus paralyzed in their
investigations of crimes committed by these militants, who are euphemistically
called "young Jewish activists of Paris." These militant groups enjoy
at least a partial guarantee of impunity in France. The worst thing their
members have to fear is having to go into exile in Germany or Israel for a
spell.
Apologists for Jewish Violence
Simone Veil, former secretary general of the Magistrates Council and a
former government minister, provides a prime example of persons in France's
Jewish community who incite actual murder. In 1985, in connection with Klaus
Barbie, she declared: "Listen, I believe very sincerely that I would not
have been shocked by a summary execution [of Barbie]" (Le Monde, Dec. 24,
1985, p. 14). She repeated the statement on April 22, 1992, during a broadcast
shown on the country's Second television network entitled "Vichy:
Remembering and Forgetting." During a discussion of the Touvier trial
(which had disappointed her, in spite of the life imprisonment sentence handed
down against the octogenarian with cancer), she said:
If we wanted a trial in which things are spoken of in their true light and
that doesn't turn out like the Touvier trial, well then, in the last analysis
it would have been necessary for someone, like me for example, at some moment
or other to coldly murder someone.
The murderer would then be in a position, Simone Veil continued, to explain
publicly the reasons for his act. She spoke in the same spirit in 1994, on the
occasion of the murder of René Bousquet, which was committed by a visionary who
had been incited by the frequent calls for vengeance appearing at the time in
French newspapers and in Jewish circles. On that occasion, Veil declared:
"Besides, if I'd had the courage, I'd have gone and killed him
myself." (Globe Hebdo, May 11-17, 1994, p. 21).
On December 14, 1992, in report broadcast nationwide on the American PBS
radio network, Professor Pierre Vidal-Naquet could be heard saying in English:
"I hate Faurisson. If I could, I'd kill him personally."
Calls for physical violence have appeared many times in French papers. An
example: "As far as he is concerned, Jacques Kupfer, president of [the
militantly Zionist] Herout de France, has a precise idea of the Jewish response
to the FN [Front National]: 'I have never been of the opinion that
anti-Semitism is settled by means of communiqués or philosophical discussions,'
he said. 'But I know how you settle the problem of the anti-Semites: in a very
physical manner. Jewish young people must be ready for that: there's no need to
cry, or to be afraid, or to complain' ..." (Arié Ben Abraham, "Le
Pacte communautaire" [The Community Pact], Tribune juive, week of May 25
to June 1, 1995, p. 15.)
A list of incendiary statements by French Jews in positions of
responsibility calling for physical violence would be a long one. Jews do not
shrink from political assassination. On this subject, one may read the recent
work of Nachman Ben-Yehuda, Political Assassination by Jews: A Rhetorical
Device for Justice (New York: State Univ. of New York Press, 1993). We know the
considerable role played by Jews in the Bolshevik revolution. [See: M. Weber, "The
Jewish Role in the Bolshevik Revolution and Russia's Early Soviet Regime,"
Jan.-Feb. 1994 Journal.] In France, the song of the partisans was written by
two Jews, Joseph Kessel (1898-1979) and Maurice Druon, both of whom were later
members of the French Academy. The song's refrain is well known: "Hey
there! Killers by gun or blade. Kill swiftly!" ("Ohé!
Les tueurs à la balle et au couteau. Tuez vite!").
The Klarsfelds
For more than three decades, Serge Klarsfeld and his German-born wife,
Beate, have dedicated themselves to tracking down "Nazi war
criminals" and fighting "neo-Nazism" and Holocaust revisionism.
In his Lettre à un képi blanc (1975, p. 93), Bernard Clavel wrote: "War
poisons peace. Look at that German woman, Beate Klarsfeld, who passes life in
hatred, who lives only for vengeance."
On July 24, 1978, at a news conference in Paris following the indictment in
Cologne of Kurt Lischka, Serge Klarsfeld stated: "We are not seeking
vengeance. If that were our aim, it would have been easy for us to kill all the
Nazi criminals we have tracked down." "And if the court in Cologne
refuses to try Lischka?," someone asked. Klarsfeld replied: "That in
a way would be signing his death sentence" (Le Monde, July 26, 1978, p.
4). In 1982 the Klarsfelds engaged the services of a hired assassin, a Bolivian
socialist of Indian origin named Juan Carlos, to assassinate Klaus Barbie
(Life, Feb. 1985, p. 65), but the operation did not succeed.
During a 1986 interview with the Chicago Tribune (June 29, 1986), Beate
Klarsfeld told "how she haunted at least three former Nazis until they
committed suicide or died; how she organized attempts to kidnap others; how she
used headline-making gimmicks to bring to trial or to ruin the careers of many
who were convinced the world had forgotten them." She related how she
slapped the face of German Chancellor Kurt-Georg Kiesinger in public in 1968.
"Once, she and several friends tried to kidnap Kurt Lischka" but the
operation failed because the car they were using had only two doors. As for Ernst
Ehlers, "harassed by Klarsfeld-organized demonstrations outside his home,
he first resigned his position [as judge] and then committed suicide."
After picking up the trail of Walter Rauff in Chile, the Klarsfelds
organized demonstrations in front of his house and broke his windows. "He
died a couple of months later," Beate Klarsfeld told the American daily.
"I was glad, because as long as these people are alive, they are an
offense to their victims." "My husband and I are not fanatics ...
Once my husband held a pistol to the temple of Rauff, just to show that we
could kill him, but he didn't pull the trigger."
In 1988, Serge Klarsfeld stated: "No one has really gone after Le Pen
in dead earnest. We ought to have provoked confrontations with him so that ...
he'd take the most extreme position possible." (Le Soir [Brussels], quoted
in Rivarol, July 1, 1988, p. 5).
In 1991, Beate Klarsfeld entered Syria with fraudulent papers to go after
Alois Brunner (who was already disfigured and missing most of his fingers as
the result of letter bombs). In front of his presumed residence, she wanted to
repeat the kind of demonstration that had been staged in front of the home of
Paul Touvier in 1972 (which was broken into, looted, and laid waste). [See:
"Alois Brunner Talks About His Past," in the Spring 1990 Journal, pp.
123ff.]
In 1992, the Klarsfelds organized what Le Monde (Oct. 21, 1992, p. 4)
called "the savage escapade of the Betar at Rostock ... spreading terror
in the central square of the Rostock town hall, with French and Israeli flags
displayed, calling passersby 'dirty Germans, dirty Nazis!'." A short time
later Beate Klarsfeld expressed approval of the Betar attack against the Goethe
Institute (German cultural center) in Paris, calling it an act of "legitimate
violence" because the Rostock police had briefly held and questioned a few
of the Jewish attackers. (Der Standard [Vienna], Oct. 23, 1992). Nine of the
policemen had been injured, among them several who required hospitalization
after being beaten with baseball bats and iron bars, and sprayed with
"defensive" gas.
On June 8, 1993, René Bousquet, former secretary general of the police in
the wartime Vichy government (and who was later deported by the Germans), was
struck down in his Paris residence by a fanatic. The attacker, who spewed out
verbiage à la Klarsfeld, explained his action as that of a lover of justice who
had already tried to kill Paul Touvier. Writing in the French daily Le Monde
(June 10, 1993, p. 28), Annick Cojean referred to Serge Klarsfeld: "Was he
not the slayer of Bousquet? The one who had tracked him down, pursued him,
attacked him, forced him to resign from his every position from 1978 to 1989?
And was he not [by this killing] robbed of a long awaited trial? The lawyer
[Klarsfeld] quietly smiles: 'Why deny it? What I feel today is relief above
all. And if that runs counter to the interests of the trial, so be it! I can't
be worrying about what those people want. That's too much for me'."
Already on September 16, 1989, upon learning of the attack against
Professor Faurisson, Serge Klarsfeld had stated in a broadcast on "Radio
J" ("J" for "Jewish"):
It's not so surprising, because anyone who provokes the Jewish community
for years on end has to expect an occurrence of this kind. You can't insult the
memory of the victims without there being consequences. That may be
regrettable, perhaps, but it's normal and only natural.
His wife, Beate, similarly stated: "What could be more normal than
that some young people may have gotten angry and tried to teach Faurisson a
lesson?." (Le Monde, Sept. 19, 1989, p. 14).
Although Serge Klarsfeld is an attorney and an officer of the National
Order of Merit, he has never concealed his taste for violent action as long as
the victims are persons he regards as "criminals." In the same
spirit, he has also admitted resorting to lies and blackmail. (See: Arno
Klarsfeld, "Pourquoi je suis juif" ["Why I am a Jew"],
Information juive, June 1994, p. 9, and, S. Klarsfeld, "Lettre à François
Mitterrand," Libération, Sept. 12, 1994, p. 6.)
In 1989, following the nearly fatal attack against him in Vichy, Faurisson
shared some thoughts with Choc du mois (Dec. 1989, pp. 42f.) -- remarks that
have become all the more relevant with the passage of time and, in particular,
the assassination of Bousquet. For the Klarsfelds or other such friends of the
Israeli Embassy in Paris, said the Professor, "it is easy to arouse strong
feelings and to stir into action those who mean to take justice into their own
hands." Faurisson concluded:
I think ... that a Jewish terrorism exists. It is lament- able, and the
lament covers the sounds of the blows and the screams of the victims... In
order to silence me, it will be necessary to kill me. And a host of
revisionists in France and abroad will then take my place.
Intimidation and Pressure
This essay deals with acts of physical violence committed by Jewish
militant groups. It confirms that in this country the Jewish community,
"happy as God in France" (a Yiddish proverb), enjoys exorbitant
privileges. Other, non-physical actions further highlight these privileges.
Consider two cases involving Robert Faurisson, at the University of Lyon II,
and Bernard Notin, at the University of Lyon III. By law, each of these
professors was incontestably entitled to practice his profession and resume his
lectures.
Dr. Marc Aron decided otherwise. Along with such organizations as the Union
of Jewish Students of France, he cynically declared that as far as they were
concerned, these two teachers would never again be able to work. Without so
much as a murmur, all the presidents of the Republic in succession, all the
prime ministers, all the Education Ministers, all the university presidents,
and all the labor unions promptly submitted to that edict.
Several months after the decision, Prof. Faurisson learned in a letter
delivered by ordinary mail, and with no form of explanation, that his
professorship had been eliminated.
In June 1994 Bernard Notin thought he had found a way out of this problem,
and Le Monde announced (June 9, 1994, p. 14) that "Bernard Notin is
leaving to teach in Morocco." But a few days later Le Monde reported (June
11, 1994, p. 6) that the announcement of his departure for the University of
Oujda "had provoked a reaction of 'shock' [scandalisée] on the part of the
Union of Jewish Students of France (UEJF), which demands the cancellation of
the contract signed by the two institutions (French and Moroccan) and 'the
definitive dismissal of M. Notin from the teaching profession'."
Not a single major newspaper raised its voice to point out that Marc Aron
and his institutions or organizations were gravely infringing on the rights of
civil servants, hindering the freedom to work, and inflicting considerable
injury not only to individuals but to the normal functioning of the country's
institutions. In fear and trembling, French authorities acquiesced to Marc Aron
and his militants. After seeing to it that two professors who had aroused their
"anger" were no longer allowed to practice their profession, Aron and
his friends were able to count on Le canard enchaîné, a satirical journal that
specializes in denouncing scandals, to proclaim the "scandal" of two
professors who are paid (on short allowance) for not working.
Organized Jewry and its influential cohorts excel in repression through the
legal system and the media. "The unjust force of the law" operates on
behalf of the Jewish community, and to the detriment of those who are labelled
"anti-Jewish" or "anti-Semitic." Those who are so labelled
find themselves severely punished for the least word or thought judged to be
heretical. Fines, damages and imprisonment ruin their lives and destroy their
families. The media, whose venom glands never run dry, contribute their part to
this hysteria of vengeance.
In other countries as well, Jewish terrorism manifests the same
characteristics. Apart from the extraordinary circumstances of the Judeo-Arab
conflict, Jews act as aggressors without themselves ever being subject to physical
attack by any group or organization, either anti-Jewish or reputed to be.
Conclusion
During the period under consideration here (1976-June 1995), no group,
commando or militant has committed an act of physical violence against a Jew in
France. (Attacks in the unusual context of the Arab-Jewish conflict are another
matter.) But this remarkable fact seems to have escaped political observers of
every stripe. The balance sheet up to now is as follows: on the one hand, some
50 acts of Jewish violence organized and carried out over a 20-year period by
armed militants, resulting in hundreds of victims; and, on the other hand, not
a single organized act of violence against a Jew.
With the Betar/Tagar organization, France's well-organized Jewish community
possesses -- with Interior Ministry approval -- a paramilitary force the like
of which does not exist for any other ethnic, religious or minority group in
France.
As Le Choc du mois noted in its report on these militant groups (June 1991,
p. 11), the Fifth French television network, on April 4, 1990, broadcast a
program on the Betar/Tagar militants. It showed a student receiving a beating
at the hands of the "Tagarim" as he was leaving the (university)
Faculté d'Assas in Paris.
On May 18, 1990, this same television network broadcast a second report
devoted to the training of Betar/Tagar militants, "copied after that of
the Israeli soldier," which they receive two times a week at a chateau in
the vicinity of Sarcelles (a suburb of Paris): paramilitary exercises and close
action combat training under the Israeli flag. Such exercises might conceivably
be carried out for show, as a sort of "cinema" to impress people. But
the training of Betar/Tagar militants finds expression in criminal attacks and
commando operations that enjoy Interior Ministry protection, support (in fact
if not in words) from so-called "anti-racist" organizations, and
sympathetic treatment on the part of the media.
Annie Kriegel, who is Jewish, in 1990 denounced "an intolerable Jewish
thought police" (Le Figaro, April 3, 1990, p. 2, and, L'Arche, April 1990,
p. 25). In fact, this "thought police" acts with the authority of
law, thanks to Rabbi Sirat, who launched the idea of an anti-revisionist law
(Bulletin de l'Agence télégraphique juive, June 2, 1986, p. 1), and thanks to
Laurent Fabius, who can justly claim credit for taking the parliamentary
initiative in passing the law. (The Fabius-Gayssot law makes it a crime to
"contest crimes against humanity" as defined by the 1946 Judgment of
of the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal. On the basis of this law,
several legal actions have been brought against Prof. Faurisson and many other
revisionists. See, for example: "French Court Fines Faurisson, Roques for
'Holocaust Denial' Book," Nov.-Dec. 1995 Journal, pp. 13-17.) As a result
of the disgustingly hyperbolic and obsequious media coverage of the desecration
of Jewish graves in the Carpentras cemetery -- a crime in which, it turns out,
the son of a synagogue officiant was apparently involved -- all opposition to
the final vote on the Sirat-Fabius-Gayssot law was paralyzed.
Alongside this outrageous thought police, there exists in France an
intolerable Israeli-style armed police that operates with unconcealed force.
A useful source of information about this entire subject is the detailed
416-page book by Emmanuel Ratier, Les Guerriers d'Israël: Enquête sur les
milices sionistes ("The Warriors of Israel: An investigation of Zionist
militant groups," Facta, 37, rue d'Amsterdam, 75008 Paris, 1995).
On May 7, 1995, in Toronto (Canada), the home of revisionist Ernst Zündel
was devastated in a criminal arson attack. A few days later, Zündel received a
booby-trapped package (which he turned over to the police, who exploded it).
Many other examples of this kind of violence -- usually preceded by a hateful
press campaign -- could be cited. Further information on this subject is given
in The Zionist Terror Network: Background and Operation of the Jewish Defense
League and other Criminal Zionist Groups, a booklet by Mark Weber published by
the Institute for Historical Review (revised and updated edition, 1993).
There is a danger that such acts of violence will grow in number in France
if the Jewish minority continues to have armed groups of militants at its
disposal. Similar acts of terrorism will doubtless continue in France as long
as the Jewish community continues to enjoy a privileged status in the country.
Pending such a drastic change, at least the Palace of Justice in Paris and
its immediate surroundings should be closed off to any group or leader of any
group (such as Moshe Cohen) whose terrorist intentions are manifest. It is
outrageous that a certain category of persons who have been summoned to court,
and those accompanying them, have had to fear physical attack while entering or
leaving the 17th chambre correctionnelle court (presided over by Martine
Ract-Madoux or Jean-Yves Monfort), or the 11th section of the Court of Appeals
(presided over by Françoise Simon or Violette Hannoun).
Speaking of attacks against revisionists carried out in and in front of the
court building, Jean-Pierre Bloch exclaimed in 1980: "The pip-squeak
little Nazis got the thrashing they deserved in front of the Palace of
Justice." (Libération, Sept. 24, 1980). It is shocking that Jewish
militants are permitted to hang out at the court house with all the privileges
accorded to officers of the national police. No one can pretend to be ignorant
of these acts of physical violence, which the LICRA president was publicly
sanctioning 15 years ago and which, for the past 15 years, have been occurring
with the complicity of the forces of law and order. For 15 years, neither the
magistrates nor the lawyers nor their respective labor unions have demanded
that an end be put to this -- a state of affairs that dishonors French justice.
As for Moshe Cohen, he should be reminded of his statement made a few years
ago to L'événement du jeudi (Sept. 26, 1991), that every Jew in France is
"a displaced person" who has his real roots and future in Israel. He should
heed his own advice, and should settle permanently there.
From The Journal of Historical Review, March-April 1996 (Vol. 16,
No. 2), pages 2-13.
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