An
Update
Source:
https://codoh.com/library/document/censorship-map-of-europe/
by
Germar Rudolf
June
20, 2026
On
page 33 of the first, 2014 edition of his book Breaking the Spell, Dr.
Nicholas Kollerstrom included a map showing the countries in Europe that had
enacted laws dictating Holocaust historiography at gunpoint. (The map is on p.
34 of the 7th, 2024 edition.) I remember spending quote some time creating this
map, using various online resources to figure out which country has which laws.
Over the years, I have updated this map, and included a simple list in my
Holocaust Encyclopedia in its entry on censorship.
When the
latest case of a law banning Holocaust skepticism was enacted in Finland in
early 2026, I wrote an article about this. I mention in this article that one
motivation for Finland to introduce such a law was pressure from the European
Union. I wondered back then how Finland could succumb to that pressure while
other European nations which are already in the EU or strive to be accepted
managed to resists, especially in the Balkans.
While
writing my most-recent book in History at Gunpoint, I revisited the
issue with the aim of getting things updated. During my research, I stumbled
across an excellent resource in this regard on the Bosnian website trial.ba of
the organization Trial International, which grew out of a dedication to document
the massacres committed by all sides during the war fought mainly on that
country’s territory between 1992 and 1995, to help victims and hold perpetrators
accountable. This organization compiled a list containing information for all
European countries regarding any laws they have enacted banning denial of the
Holocaust and/or of other genocides or mass atrocities.[1]
This table was uploaded in February of 2020, hence cannot contain legislative
changes made after that date.
Going
through that table, I realized that my map and related table had been incomplete
all along: Northern Macedonia had introduced a general anti-genocide denial law
already in 2004, hence three years before the European Union 2007 issued its
decision to make such a law mandatory for all member states. While pure denial
can get you between one to five years in that country, if it is combined with
the “intent to instigate hate, discrimination or violence,” a prison term of
at least four years is imposed, with no upper limit given, probably meaning
that even a life sentence is theoretically possible.
Albania
followed a year after Europe’s mandate, but its general ban on genocide denial
is embedded in a law regulating online offenses, so denial is punishable only if
it is “deliberately disseminating to the public through computer systems.” The
punishment threatened is between 3 and six years.
Malta
followed a year later, in 2009, albeit only if general “genocide denial” is done
in a way likely to incite to violence or hatred, or likely to disturb public
order. Therefore, I changed the color of Malta on the new map from red
(unconditional ban) to grey (conditional). Also, I added Malta to the list of
countries in the encyclopedia, where it had been omitted for some inscrutable
reason. The threatened punishment is 8 months to two years imprisonment.
Montenegro enacted a general ban on genocide denial in 2010 for cases conducted
“in a manner which can lead to violence or cause hatred against a group,” and if
that genocide has been declared a fact by “a final and enforceable judgment of a
court in Montenegro or of the International Criminal Tribunal.” The threatened
punishment is between six months and five years. The expression “a manner that
can lead to violence or cause hatred” is too diffuse to qualify as a conditional
ban. Even the most rational and unemotional scrutiny of a genocide can lead
someone to develop feelings of hate, and push some deranged mind to resort to
violence. At least words like “is likely to cause” are needed to qualify a law
to be a conditional ban only. Hence, I have given Montenegro the red card on the
map.
2011 saw
three European countries introduce laws banning genocide denial in general,
Croatia made it conditional by mandating that the offense needs to be
perpetrated “in a manner likely to incite to violence or hatred,” while Cyprus
did not include such a qualifier. Bulgaria made it conditional on the offense
posing “a risk of violence or hatred”, but there is no qualifier on how high the
risk must be, so it doesn’t count as a conditional ban. Croatia imposed prison
terms of up to 3 years, Cyprus of up to 5 years, and Bulgaria from a minimum of
one year up to five years. Cyprus defines genocides as something that has been
determined by an “irrevocable decision of an international court,” meaning that
the findings of the IMT show trial probably also count as incontestable.
After
Spain’s High Court had thrown out that country’s first, 1995 attempt at banning
Holocaust denial as unconstitutional, Spain introduced a general ban on genocide
denial in 2015, making that act an offense, if it “promotes or favors a climate
of violence, hostility, hatred or discrimination.” That law has led to the
conviction of Holocaust skeptic and National-Socialist activist Pedro Varela in
2024, whose considerable activities of promoting National-Socialist ideas was
moreover judged to be an indirect justification of that past regime’s genocidal
acts. Denial plus NS ideology pushed the judiciary over the edge, sending Varela
to prison for 18 months. Spain’s new anti-denial law was criticized by Spanish
legal scholars as unconstitutional, especially since its “qualifier” requires a
mere hypothetical risk of “violence, hostility, hatred or discrimination” by
merely favoring a climate.[2] It can’t be more
wishy-washy. Varela’s case is currently moving through the various appellate
stages, and may be heard by the Constitutional High Court within five years or
so. Until then, I have given Spain a conditional status, as denial itself isn’t
able to trigger the law, but very much its convolution with NS propaganda.
Next on
the list of countries I missed is Serbia, which introduced its law in 2016, with
a thin conditional veneer of acts that “could lead to violence or incitement to
hate.” Defining genocide like Montenegro via decisions of national courts or the
ICC, Serbia imposes of six months to five years on convicted offenders. That’s a
red card for Serbia.
Before
we move on the rest of the Balkan countries and some special cases, an
explanation is due regarding the UK, which does not have a formal law banning
Holocaust skepticism at all, as many have rightly observed. I have included it
on the map and in my list anyway, with the year given 2017. This is not based on
the adoption of any law, but on case law created by the case of musical artist
Alison Chabloz. She was indicted under Section 127(1) of the Communications Act
of 2003 for communicating via “a public electronic communications network”
(internet) messages that the judges considered “grossly offensive.” The offenses
are said to have been committed by satirical songs on Holocaust survivors and
their tales which Chabloz wrote and performed. I loved the songs when I listened
to them back in 1916 and 1917. I thought the melodies were pleasing, voice and
instrumentals were excellent, and the lyrics were written with wit and
intelligence. But turning Holocaust skepticism from dry scholarship into living
art evidently is a crime.[3] Therefore, the UK definitely
meets the criterion of conditionally banning Holocaust skepticism, if combined
with disrespectful statements about victims and/or survivors. This was
highlighted with the case of Ian R. Millard, who mixed general expressions of
disbelieve in the mainstream Holocaust narrative with anti-Jewish statements.[4]
Castle Hill Publishers and their successor Armreg Ltd, the two most-productive
media outlets of Holocaust skepticism in this century, have operated from the UK
since 1998, and have never been impeded or harassed. It is therefore safe to say
that, as long as it is boringly scholarly, Holocaust skepticism is legal in the
UK. But I changed the year to 2018, the year of Chabloz’s first conviction.
Bosnia
had the new Article 145a of its penal law banning general genocide denial
imposed by that country’s High Representative in 2021.[5]
It was not well received by many among the country’s Serbs, hence caused quite
some tensions. It requires that denial be done in a “manner likely to incite to
violence or hatred,” and comes with prison terms between six months and five
years. It defines genocide by a final court verdict, hence the IMT probably
qualifies. Bosnia’s law is primarily designed to ban denials of genocidal
killings committed during that country’s civil during the 1990s war rather than
directed against Holocaust skeptics.[6] The expression
“likely to incite to violence or hatred” was taken straight from a EU Framework
Decision on Combating Racism and Xenophobia.[7] While
this expression is suppose to prevent the stifling of academic freedom, member
states are free to include or omit such a requirement. Bosnia has included it,
making this a case of conditional banning of genocide denial. This turns the
country grey on my map (it has been red so far).
Moldova
has two laws, one banning general genocide denial (Art. 135² of its Criminal
Code, one to three years imprisonment) and one introduced also in 2021
specifically banning Holocaust denial (Article 1761), likewise with
prison terms between six months and five years. It defines the Holocaust as “the
systematic persecution,” “annihilation and extermination of a large number of
members of the Jewish community by Nazi Germany, as well as by its allies and
collaborators, during the period 1933-1945” (Art. 13419).[8]
Denial is not a crime, however, if done “in the interest of art or science,
research or education.” I am reluctant to grant Moldova the grey conditional
status for this, because any popular but non-polemical statement could be denied
that privilege, and judiciaries have the tendency to define the “interest” of
science and research by that community’s consensus, which tends to exclude
skeptic voice. So that’s a red card for Moldova.
Armenia’s Article 136 of its penal code, completely overhauled in 2022,
threatens with up to four years imprisonment those who deny genocides in general
“for the purpose of provoking hatred, discrimination or violence.”[9]
It’s neighbors Turkey and Azerbaijan have so far refused to adopt similar laws,
as those nations’ citizens at times engage in that kind of activity regarding
the genocide Armenians suffered during the First World War. I grant Armenia a
conditional status, which more radical faction in its society don’t like, who
want to tighten that law even more.[10]
Also in
2022, Belarus implemented a law against genocide denial. However, their law
merely bans the denial, minimization or justification of the genocide committed
against the Belarusian people by German forces during World War II, even though
no such thing occurred. The massacres presumably committed by the German wartime
Einsatzgruppen against both local Jews and Jews deported to Belarus
from central and western Europe were rebranded by Alexander Lukashenko’s regime
as victims of the general populace.[11] While the law
effectively denies Jews their main-victim role, its primary function is to
suppress modern political dissent, in particular by stigmatizing pro-democracy
opposition groups as ideological “descendants of Nazi collaborators.”[12]
Of course, strictly speaking, all countries with such laws use it to oppress
what they stigmatize as “Nazis” or “Nazi” sympathizers, whether that label is
accurate or not. Since Belarus’s law does not ban Holocaust skepticism as such,
but only events that are said to have happened on Belarussian soil, I have not
shaded that country on my map.
The last
country to add to the new list is Kosovo. Mimicking its big sister Albania,
Kosovo followed suit a year later, in 2023, by adopting a similar law
unconditionally banning general genocide denial if disseminated to the public
through computer systems, also with prison terms between 3 and 6 years.[13]
Therefore, if we ignore the European Union as an umbrella organization with its
framework decision, 41 countries currently enforce the writing of history to one
degree or another at gunpoint.
Hence,
leaving aside Belarus, only six European countries have not (yet) formally
banned Holocaust skepticism in one form or another: Iceland, Ireland, Denmark,
Estonia, Azerbaijan and Georgia:
|
# |
Year |
Country |
Max. Term |
|
1. |
1986 |
Israel |
5 years |
|
2. |
1990 |
France |
1 year |
|
3. |
1992 |
Austria |
20 years |
|
4. |
1994 |
Germany |
5 years |
|
5. |
1995 |
Belgium |
1 year |
|
6. |
1995 |
Netherlands (conditional) |
1 year |
|
7. |
1995 |
Liechtenstein |
2 years |
|
8. |
1995 |
Switzerland |
3 years |
|
9. |
1997 |
Luxembourg |
2 years |
|
10. |
1997 |
Slovenia |
2 years |
|
11. |
1998 |
Poland |
3 years |
|
12. |
2001 |
Slovakia |
3 years |
|
13. |
2001 |
Czechia |
3 years |
|
14. |
2002 |
Romania |
3 years |
|
15. |
2002 |
Australia (HRC)* |
– |
|
16. |
2004 |
Macedonia |
5 years |
|
17. |
2007 |
European Union (framework law) |
3 years |
|
18. |
2007 |
Portugal (conditional) |
5 years |
|
19. |
2008 |
Albania (computer distribution only) |
6 years |
|
20. |
2009 |
Latvia |
5 years |
|
21. |
2009 |
Malta (conditional) |
2 years |
|
22. |
2010 |
Hungary |
3 years |
|
23. |
2010 |
Montenegro |
5 years |
|
24. |
2011 |
Croatia (conditional) |
3 years |
|
25. |
2011 |
Bulgaria |
5 years |
|
26. |
2011 |
Cyprus |
5 years |
|
27. |
2012 |
Lithuania |
2 years |
|
28. |
2014 |
Russia |
3 years |
|
29. |
2014 |
Greece (conditional) |
3 years |
|
30. |
2015 |
Spain (conditional) |
4 years |
|
31. |
2016 |
Serbia |
5 years |
|
32. |
2016 |
Italy |
6 years |
|
33. |
2018 |
UK (conditional) |
2 years |
|
34. |
2021 |
Ukraine |
5 years |
|
35. |
2021 |
Bosnia (conditional) |
5 years |
|
36. |
2021 |
Moldova |
2 years |
|
37. |
2022 |
Armenia (conditional) |
4 years |
|
38. |
2022 |
Belarus (very limited, see text) |
5 years |
|
39. |
2022 |
Canada |
2 years |
|
40. |
2023 |
Kosovo (computer distribution only) |
6 years |
|
41. |
2024 |
Sweden |
2 years |
|
42. |
2026 |
Finland |
2 years |
|
conditional: only in conjunction with verbal abuses and/or threats,
likely to cause violence or hatred.
* a human-rights commission can issue a
cease-and-desist order. If ignored, it can lead to prosecution for
ignoring a government order. |

Censorship map of Europe, 2026: red: the writing of history is prescribed by
penal law; light grey: historical dissent is an offense only if committed
concurrently with disparaging victims, witnesses and/or survivors, or statements
likely to cause violence and/or hatred. Since all EU member states must enact
such laws, the white spots on this map will steadily decrease in years to come.