Monday, November 30, 2020
Friday, November 27, 2020
No economic politics without sword, no industrialization without power.
Speech of April 10, 1923 in Munich
Blast furnaces can burst, coal mines flood, houses may burn to ashes - if just the folk afterward stands up, strong, unshakeable, determined to go all the way! For if the German folk is resurrected, then everything else will also be resurrected.
Speech of August 21, 1923 in Munich
His (the peasant’s) remaining health is...the first prerequisite for the blossoming and prospering of our industry, of German domestic trade and of German export...What the whole economy, including our export industry, owes to the healthy sense of the German peasant, simply cannot be paid back through any sacrifice of a business kind.
Speech of March 23, 1933 in Berlin
The industries will be forced to rationalize more and more, that means increase of their performance with reduction of the number of workers. But if the people are not taken up in the newly created branches of professions, in newly created industries, then that means that gradually three folk accounts will have to be touched: The one is called agriculture - from this basic folk account one once saved people for the second account; this second account was manual labor and later industry production; now a savings of people is undertaken from this second account, which one shoves over to the third account, unemployment.
Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Düsseldorf
Germany, England, France - and additionally, for no strong reason, the American Union and a whole list of small states - are industrial nations, dependent on export. After the end of the war all these people found a world market rather emptied of commodities. Now the - through the war especially scientifically-theoretically brilliant - industry and factory methods pounce into this great void, begin to reorient factories, invest capital and, under the compulsion of invested capital, to increase production to the maximum. This process could go well for two, three, four, five years. It could continue to go well, if - corresponding to the rapid increase and improvement of production and its methods - new market possibilities had been created...We see. however, that since the World War a major expansion of world markets no longer took place, quite the opposite, that they relatively shrank in that the number of exporting nations gradually increased and that a number of former export markets became industrialized themselves.
Lecture of January 27, 1932 in Dusseldorf
The German automobile industry was itself infected with the view of the luxurious nature of this new means of transportation and expressed this in its production program, constructively and price-wise, more or less unwisely. The German governments, however, for their part endeavored - through measures of taxation as well as the officially directed transportation policy - to convincing prove Marxist principles correct in terms of this new luxury item. These combined efforts had to manage, surely even if slowly, to strangle the distribution and development of the new means of transportation, and they did succeed...If anywhere, then precisely here must the determined attack by the new regiment be set.
Speech of March 8, 1934 in Berlin
Only a few months ago did German industry succeed, through the manufacture of a new folk radio, to bring to market and sell an enormous number of radios. I wish to now make it the most important task for the German motor vehicle industry to manufacture more and more vehicles, which will necessarily encompass millions of new buyers.
Speech of March 8, 1934 in Berlin
It is... the will of the National Socialist state leadership, through the promotion of motor vehicles, to not only stimulate the economy and give work and bread to hundreds of thousands of people, rather to thereby also provide ever greater masses of our folk with the opportunity to acquire this most modern means of transportation.
Speech of March 8, 1934 in Berlin
The German automobile and motorcycle industry has essentially fulfilled the hopes, which were put in them and which had to be put in them.
Speech of March 8, 1934 in Berlin
What German industry has accomplished in the years behind us is admirable.
Speech of March 8, 1934 in Berlin
In this year and a half we have worked economically; for, if we had not done it, then the chimneys of our factories and workplaces would not again be smoking now.
Speech of August 27, 1934 at Ehrenbreitstein
Industries were loosened up, new industries founded.
Proclamation of September 5, 1934 in Nuremberg
We want... to put the manufacturer and the factory worker in the position to work as productively as possible, to insofar as possible supply to our land through artificial substitute products that, which it lacks in raw materials.
Interview of April 3, 1934 in Berlin
Tuesday, November 24, 2020
editions „Free Speech Press“, USA, 2015
Two years after the English original, the above French translation has emerged from this work written by a former KuKluxKlan activist. David Duke was born in 1950 and with this book released in the United States in 2013 he „illustrates perfectly the two main features of “Jewish tribalism-delirium of persecution and paranoia - to conclude that Judaism, a paradoxical“ atheistic religion „which emphasizes racial solidarity, is also a stifling prison for the Jews themselves” (copied from its back cover).
Since South Africa has become our passion, as we have already said, we will now focus our gaze on chapter 33: „South African Marxism, the usual suspects“ since the second part of this sentence (after the comma ) is also the title of an old blockbuster movie. „At the age of 17 I joined in my school in a non-violent group of the KuKluxKlan ... Note the contrast between my non-violent past and Mandela who poses at the foot of the symbol of a movement that made more people die than anyone else in history” (op.cit.page 257). The following is a non-exhaustive list of cases of Jews who belonged to the South African Communist Party and who manifested this membership in a violent manner. Duke begins with Joe Slovo who was born in Lithuania „into a family of pious Jews, he emigrated to South Africa where he joined the League of Young Communists at the age of 16“ (op.cit.page 257) and then he continues by telling us that he acceded „to the post of secretary general of the party (communist - note to us) and then within the ANC by“ becoming its chief of staff and its main strategist of several acts of terror such as the campaign of bombings against civilians „(op.cit.page 258).
„The Jewess Gil Marcus, daughter of Communist parents and a member for many years of the Communist Party and the ANC became today (in 2013 - note from DA) deputy governor of the Reserve Bank of South Africa after to have belonged to the first Mandela government „(op.cit.page 258).
But going back to Joe Slovo’s Lithuania, Duke makes a list of Jewish refugees from that country to South Africa like Tafly Adler, Ray Alexander aka Rachel Alexandrowitch, Pauline Podbrey aka Podbrez and all the remains that have very obvious names. like Earl Raab (page 273) whose name reminds us of Kurt Raab, the German musician of pieces written by Bertold Brecht before Hitler’s rise to power.
The title of this dense and liberating work highlights the dark side of dirty communism in order to reveal its demonic side to us.
written by Dionysos ANDRONIS
Sunday, November 22, 2020
Friday, November 20, 2020
by Dr. William Pierce
Published in Free Speech - May 1998 - Volume IV, Number 5
A background noise that seems never to go away is the constant whining and yammering of the Jews about how the world owes them a living because of their losses during the so-called „Holocaust.“ They do it, of course, because they make such a big profit on it. The latest flare-up of this Jewish play for a handout came more than a year ago when they began demanding that the Swiss pay them $7 billion, which „Holocaust“ victims allegedly had stashed in numbered Swiss accounts before being hauled off to gas chambers during the Second World War.
With a few „bought“ Gentile politicians fronting for them, the foremost among these being New York’s Senator Alphonse D’Amato, the Jews threatened Switzerland with a boycott by the U.S. government if their demands were not met. Instead of laughing in their faces, telling the Jews to go to hell, and gearing up for countermeasures against Israel and other Jewish interests if the Jews tried to proceed with a boycott, the Swiss politicians tried to placate the Jews by offering to buy them off. The Jews took the Swiss response as a sign of weakness and escalated their demands.
The average Swiss citizen seems to have a little more pride than Switzerland’s elected officials, however, and resentment against the Jews’ extortion efforts is building in Switzerland now to the point that some of that country’s richest Jews are wearing bulletproof vests whenever they must go out in public.
In general, however, this „Holocaust“-based extortion racket works quite well for the Jews, and they have expanded their demands for World War Two reparations to include a number of other countries besides Switzerland. They are even whining that the Vatican owes them because Pope Pius XII didn’t do enough to save them from the Germans during the war. The Jews’ brazenness in this whole business is quite breathtaking.
Their brazenness is justified, because by and large they have been getting away with it. They have been getting away with it because with their media control they have been able to distort the general public’s perception of what happened during the Second World War. They have been able to portray themselves as innocent victims and everyone else as persecutors and aggressors, even the people who were fighting on the Jewish side against the Germans during the war. They have done quite a bit of whining that after the Red Army drove the Germans from Poland, the Poles took the opportunity to lynch hundreds of Jews in 1945 and 1946: Jews whom the Germans somehow had failed to get rid of during their wartime occupation of Poland.
Why would the Poles do something like that? Why would they lynch the poor Jews, who had been on their side during the war? If you learned about the war from watching Steven Spielberg propaganda films and other mass-media sources, you probably believe that it was because of religious anti-Semitism on the part of the Catholic Poles. Let me tell you the real reason why so many Poles hated Jews after the war. It’s something the Jew-controlled media in America haven’t said much about. Let me tell you about what happened in the Katyn Forest in 1940.
In September 1939 Poland was invaded from the west by Germany and from the east by the Soviet Union. The Germans wanted back the territory in western Poland, including the city of Danzig, which had been taken from them at the end of the First World War. The Soviets wanted eastern Poland. The Germans and the Soviets divided Poland between them, with the boundary running roughly along the River Bug.
Britain and France, both under strong Jewish pressure, declared war on Germany in September 1939, ostensibly because of Germany’s invasion of Poland. They did not declare war on the Soviet Union, which also had invaded Poland. In the United States and in western Europe, where the Jews held a deathgrip on the mass media, a great deal of anti-German propaganda was based on the German grab for Polish territory -- much of which, of course, actually was historically German territory -- and nothing was said of the Soviet occupation and annexation of eastern Poland.
The reason for this anti-German and pro-Soviet bias by the Jewish media was that the Jews were riding high in the Soviet Union as commissars and communist party bosses under Stalin, while in Germany Hitler had undertaken a program since 1933 of freeing Germany from all Jewish influence. Jews had been weeded out of the media, the law, the schools, and other areas of economic and cultural life in Germany. Before Hitler became chancellor in 1933 the Jews had done in Germany what they do in every country where they gain a foothold: they had monopolized large sections of the mass media and certain professions and were doing their best to distort German culture, German society, and the German economy to suit themselves. Hitler put a stop to that, and two-thirds of the 1933 Jewish population of Germany had emigrated by the invasion of Poland in September 1939. So the Jews hated Germany and were determined to do whatever they could to destroy her.
For his part, Hitler hoped to avoid war with Britain and France. He hoped that after his quick victory in western Poland he could make peace with both countries. He was determined, however, to stamp out communism wherever he encountered it. Not only did he hate communism on ideological grounds, but he had sworn to fight communism when the communists in Germany betrayed his country at the end of the First World War. Hitler also saw the Soviet Union as a threat to all of Europe, and he was determined to break the power of that country when he could, even though there was an uneasy non-aggression pact between Germany and the Soviet Union in 1939, at the time of their partition of Poland.
In the spring of 1941 massive troop movements and other developments inside the Soviet Union convinced Hitler that Stalin was preparing to invade the west with the Red Army, and so in June 1941 Hitler made a preemptive strike. German forces smashed through the Red Army and made rapid advances, first through Soviet-occupied eastern Poland and then through Ukraine and into Russia.
A year and a half later, in February 1943, German forces near Smolensk, in western Russia, investigated reports they heard from Russian civilians to the effect that a large number of prisoners had been murdered by the Soviet secret police in the area nearly three years earlier. The German investigators were led by local Russians to a series of mounds in a wooded area known locally as Katyn Forest, about 10 miles west of Smolensk. The forest is named for a village, Katyn, which it surrounds. The forest had been privately owned prior to the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, but after the communist takeover of Russia the area had been confiscated by the government and part of the forest had been turned over to the NKVD, the Soviet equivalent of the American FBI.
The Germans began digging in the mounds in the Katyn Forest and made a horrible discovery. They found corpse after corpse, each with its hands bound behind its back and a bullet hole in the base of its skull. They continued their excavations for more than a month, and eventually uncovered more than 4,000 corpses. Other bodies may have remained buried in other mounds, but the Germans had no time to dig up the whole forest. Instead they called in the International Red Cross and representatives of various neutral countries to examine their findings. They also brought in groups of Allied prisoners of war, including Americans, from prison camps in Germany to view the graves in the Katyn Forest. They gave these international inspectors complete freedom to examine the exhumed bodies, permitted doctors among them to conduct autopsies, even allowed them to dig up other bodies from one of the mounds which had not been completely excavated. The Germans asked only that the inspectors report back truthfully to their own governments about their observations. And in fact, most of them did.
What they reported was that the bodies were those of Polish military officers, along with a number of civilian cultural leaders, business leaders, and intellectuals -- scientists, writers, and poets -- who had been in the portion of Poland occupied by the Soviet Union in September 1939. Altogether the Soviet secret police had rounded up some 15,000 Polish leaders in 1939 -- including nearly half of the entire Polish officer’s corps, the half that had the misfortune of being in eastern Poland at the time -- and put them in three concentration camps in Russia: at Starobelsk, Kozelsk, and Ostashkov. All of the bodies unearthed in the Katyn Forest were of Polish leaders who had been confined at one of these camps: Starobelsk.
Rounding up a country’s leaders and killing them was standard practice for the communists. The theory was that the leaders were bourgeois oppressors of the working class and deserved to die. As egalitarians the communists did not regard the Polish officers and intellectuals as inherently better or more valuable human material than the average Polish criminal or bum; the officers had simply used their class advantage to gain a better life-style for themselves. Of course, no one really believed that theory except the criminals, bums, and other resentful losers and ne’er-do-wells who made up the natural communist constituency. As a practical matter, however, killing all the leaders and potential leaders of a conquered people made them easier to govern. That’s what the Marxists had done in Russia, Ukraine, and the Baltic countries.
In the case of the Poles there was a bit of a diplomatic problem, though. The Poles supported the war Britain and France had declared against Germany, purportedly on their behalf, because they viewed that as their one hope for getting back at least the western part of their country. They were not happy about the Russians taking the eastern part of Poland, but the Russians at least were fellow Slavs. The thing to do was get rid of the Germans first and then worry about the Russians. This Polish strategy suited Stalin fine. But it made it desirable for him to avoid alienating the Poles any more than necessary. When Polish exiles asked about their imprisoned leaders in late 1939 and early 1940, the Soviet government promised that they would be released shortly. Meanwhile, the decision had been made to kill all of them. And so in April 1940 the Polish leaders were taken from the three camps where they had been imprisoned, trucked off to various liquidation sites, and murdered. The ones who had been imprisoned at Starobelsk all went to the NKVD area of the Katyn Forest. After the war some of the NKVD executioners were interviewed in Israel and described how they had carried out the killings.
The Poles were driven up to the burial pits in long NKVD prison trucks known as „black ravens.“ They were pulled from the trucks one at a time by NKVD guards. Each Polish prisoner had his hands bound behind his back and then was dragged to the edge of a pit. There he was held by two NKVD men while a third fired a pistol bullet into the back of his head. Some of the officers had their coats pulled over their heads to keep them from seeing what was happening before they were shot. Some struggled and were bayoneted by NKVD guards before being shot and thrown into the pit. When all of the officers from Starobelsk had been killed, some 4,400 of them, the Katyn Forest burial pits were covered with dirt and pine trees were planted on them. The locations of the mass graves of the prisoners from the camps at Kozelsk and Ostashkov remain unknown, but none of the 15,000 Polish officers and intellectuals rounded up by the NKVD in September 1939 was seen alive after April 1940.
The Red Cross representatives and the Allied prisoners the Germans brought in to examine the mass graves in the Katyn Forest understood after their examination not only who had been killed; they also understood who had killed them. This was apparent not only from the medical estimates of the length of time the bodies had been buried, but also from documentary evidence on the bodies. Diaries, news clippings, letters, and other personal papers removed from the clothing of the victims all told the same story: the latest dates on any of these papers were from mid-April 1940. The Polish leaders had been killed in April 1940, when they were prisoners of the Soviet Union and when the Katyn region was under Soviet control. And this is what they reported back to their governments.
So what do you think happened? Were the British and American governments horrified to discover that their „gallant Soviet ally,“ as the Soviet Union was referred to by the mass media, was a mass murderer? Did the British government, which had gone to war against Germany under the pretext of defending Poland, decide that it had made a mistake? Did anyone condemn the Soviet Union for this act of genocide against the Poles?
Of course not! The Allied governments ordered their people who had inspected the Katyn site to keep their mouths shut, and the Jewish media immediately began announcing that the Germans had done it. A mass murder of Polish officers and intellectuals by the Nazis had been discovered in the Katyn Forest, the New York Times and the rest of the Jewish media shrieked. Poor Poles! Wicked Germans! The war must go on to free the poor Poles and punish the wicked Germans. And the war did go on, killing millions of more Germans, Britons, Americans, and other Europeans. And the Germans were indeed punished. The Poles, of course, were not freed. Instead they were turned over to the Reds, who had butchered their leaders in the Katyn Forest, and made to suffer under communist rule for half a century.
The war went on after the German discovery of the mass graves in the Katyn Forest, because its purpose from the beginning was not to free Poland but to destroy Germany, which had dared to free itself from the Jews. Roosevelt understood this. Churchill understood this. But the American and British people didn’t understand it, of course, because they were lied to by the Jewish media and by their own governments, who in 1943, as in 1998, did whatever was politically expedient. And what is politically expedient has been what the Jewish media bosses have decided.
The lies about Katyn were maintained by the media for some years after the end of the war, because these lies meshed nicely with the „Holocaust“ story which was making so much money for the Jews. Nowadays, of course, the truth about the Katyn murders is generally accepted by historians everywhere. You can go into almost any large library and read about it and even see the gruesome photographs that the Germans took of the Polish bodies they dug up. One of several authoritative books on the subject is J.K. Zawodny’s Death in the Forest: the Story of the Katyn Forest Massacre, published in 1962 by the University of Notre Dame Press. None of this is publicized a la Steven Spielberg for the illumination of American television audiences, of course. It still might undermine the Jews’ „Holocaust“ racket.
In 1945 and 1946, although the deceived citizens of the Western world didn’t know the truth about Katyn, Polish patriots did. The word had gotten back to the Polish prisoners in German camps from the Poles the Germans had taken to examine the graves. After the war, when these Polish prisoners were freed, the word spread to other Poles. They knew that it was the communists, not the Nazis, who had murdered their leaders, who had beheaded their nation. And they knew who was behind communism -- from the Jew, Karl Marx, who started the whole business, to the Jewish commissars in Soviet-occupied Poland. They knew who had welcomed their Soviet conquerors and then collaborated with those conquerors. And so it is hardly surprising that in 1945 and 1946 a few Polish patriots organized lynchings of Jews in Poland, before the Reds had a chance to clamp down and suppress any further expressions of anti-communist or anti-Jewish feeling.
The Polish dislike of Jews isn’t surprising. What is surprising is that so few patriots in America and Britain have expressed their outrage against the Jews, not only for what they did to the Poles during and after the war, but for what they have done to us: lying to us and using us to wage their wars for them. If patriots study the Katyn story and take its lesson to heart, they will understand why they cannot trust either the mass media or any government which dances to the tune played by the media. Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill were as much liars and traitors as Bill Clinton and Tony Blair.
You might remember Katyn the next time you hear the Jews or some of their bought politicians whining about how much gold was stolen from them by the Swiss or how badly the Poles and the Germans treated them during the Second World War.
Tuesday, November 17, 2020
5th slightly revised edition
by Don Heddesheimer
Most people believe that roughly six million Jews were killed by National Socialist Germany during World War II in an event generally referred to as the Holocaust or the Shoah. But how long have we been hearing about this six-million figure? The most widely understood answer is that the six-million figure was established after the Second World War during the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg.
Although it is true that the six-million figure was declared to be the indubitable truth at this tribunal, it is actually remarkably older. This book shows that the six-million figure dates back to the late 1800s, when Jewish pressure groups were targeting czarist Russia for its anti-Jewish stance, accusing Russia of oppressing and persecuting the six million Jews in Russia, and adopting a “solution” to its “Jewish question” which allegedly consisted of outright extermination. Claims that six million Jews in Europe were suffering to such a degree that millions had died already, while many more millions would face a lingering death, climaxed for the first time during fundraising campaign that started during the FIRST World War and reached its peak in the early and mid-1920s. The New York Times was the main vehicle for such propaganda, which also included well-known buzzwords such as “annihilation,” “extermination” and even the term “holocaust.”
Although this sensational propaganda of Jewish suffering slowed down during the 1930s, it never completely ceased and received new momentum in the 1940s during the Second World War. As we all know today, this propaganda skyrocketed after Germany’s total defeat, as the victorious powers of the Second World War seized upon the opportunity to take advantage of such propaganda and to increase its scope and impact.
Don Heddesheimer’s book reveals a Jewish-Zionist propaganda pattern that has been used since the late 1800s, first against czarist Russia, then in favor of the Soviet Revolution, next against Nazi Germany, and finally and ever since in favor of Israel.
Fifth edition with an extended introduction featuring most of the information also contained in our video shown below, plus a list of including a list of 288 sources referring to 6 million suffering, dying or dead Jews published between 1900 and the opening of the Nuremberg Trials in late 1945.
“The First Holocaust – The Surprising Origin of the Six-Million Figure” - documentary film by Germar Rudolf:
Saturday, November 14, 2020
Thursday, November 12, 2020
By John Wear
Charles Lindbergh (1902-1974) became world-famous in May 1927 after he flew solo his single-engine plane, the Spirit of St. Louis, nonstop across the Atlantic Ocean. When he returned to New York two weeks later, 4 million people turned out to honor him in a massive ticker-tape parade. One newspaper wrote, “No conqueror in the history of the world ever received a welcome such as was accorded Colonel Charles A. Lindbergh yesterday.” Lindbergh was a national hero, and became Time magazine’s first Man of the Year.
By the end of 1941, however, Lindbergh had become one of the most-reviled men in American history. One columnist wrote that Lindbergh had plummeted from “Public Hero No. 1” to “Public Enemy No. 1.” A 1942 poll showed that only 10% of Americans had a favorable view of Lindbergh, while 81% had an unfavorable view. Lindbergh’s sister-in-law, Constance, reflected on America’s new attitude toward Lindbergh, “Imagine, in just 15 years he has gone from Jesus to Judas!”
This article examines why Lindbergh suffered such a precipitous drop in popularity.
Shortly after his trans-Atlantic flight, working nearly 15-hour days for three weeks, Lindbergh wrote We, his first account of his historic flight. The book sold 190,000 copies in two months. Four days after completing We, Lindbergh left on a three-month tour of the United States. Flying the Spirit of St. Louis, Lindbergh spent at least one night in each of the (then) 48 states. When the tour ended in late October 1927, he had covered 22,340 miles in 260 hours of flying. An estimated 30 million people came to see Lindbergh, and he gave 147 speeches, was honored at 69 dinners, and traveled 1,285 miles in parades.
On May 27, 1929, Lindbergh married Anne Morrow, whom he had met while on a flying tour. Anne gave birth to their first son, Charles Augustus Lindbergh, Jr., on June 22, 1930. While the Lindberghs, a nurse and their son were at home, someone abducted their son on March 1, 1932. The kidnapper left a ransom note demanding $50,000, which was subsequently raised to $70,000. The Lindbergh baby was eventually found, dead, 72 days after the kidnapping. The child’s alleged murderer, Bruno Richard Hauptmann, was tried and convicted of first-degree murder in one of the most-famous trials in American history. Hauptmann was executed on April 3, 1936.
The Lindberghs tried to reestablish their lives. They donated their house to the state of New Jersey for use as a home for children in need. Unfortunately, after their second son was born on August 6, 1932, they continued to receive numerous letters threatening to kidnap their son. The media also continued to harass them. Lindbergh came to loathe the media, and he concluded it was necessary to leave the United States.
The Lindberghs moved to England because they were told that Englishmen and English newspapers would respect their rights of privacy. Also, kidnapping and gangsterism such as they had experienced in the United States were unknown in the British Isles. The Lindberghs in England began to enjoy the privacy they had longed for. They spent two years in England before moving to a small island off the coast of France.
The American military attaché in Berlin, Maj. Truman Smith, invited Lindbergh to inspect and report on the state of German military aviation. Lindbergh accepted the invitation, and he was impressed with the number of German factories and their production capabilities. The Lindberghs also attended the opening ceremonies of the 1936 summer Olympics in Berlin. They returned twice to Germany in 1937 and 1938, and in October 1938, Lindbergh accepted the Service Cross of the German Eagle – Germany’s second-highest decoration. Many Americans and the American press questioned Lindbergh’s judgment and politics when he accepted this medal.
The Lindberghs moved back to the United States in April 1939 as war in Europe loomed. Lindbergh resigned his commission in the military so that he could speak freely against America’s involvement in the European war. On September 15, 1939, Lindbergh made his first radio address explaining why America should remain neutral in the war. Numerous supportive letters were sent to Lindbergh after this speech. The American consensus was overwhelmingly against American entry into the European conflict.
Lindbergh continued to make speeches against American intervention in the war. While most Americans continued to oppose intervention, and Lindbergh was still a hero to millions, Lindbergh began to be attacked by the pro-interventionist media. Anne Lindbergh was having trouble coping with the cruel attacks on her husband. She wrote in her diary during this period:
Bitter criticism. Personal attacks. He has had two threatening letters: He is a “Nazi.” He will be punished. Our other two children will be taken…I feel angry and bitter and trapped again. Where can we live, where can we go?...C. is criminally misunderstood, misquoted, and misused.
Lindbergh faced strong opposition from President Franklin Roosevelt. On May 20, 1940, the day after Lindbergh made an anti-interventionist radio address, Roosevelt was having lunch with his treasury secretary, Henry Morgenthau. After a brief discussion of Lindbergh’s radio address, Roosevelt turned to his trusted cabinet official and said, “If I should die tomorrow, I want you to know this. I am absolutely convinced that Lindbergh is a Nazi.”
Roosevelt tried to discredit Lindbergh by ordering an IRS audit of his tax returns. A newspaperman tipped Lindbergh that this story would break in the press, and asked Lindbergh if he would care to comment. Surprisingly, Lindbergh said he would be delighted to talk to the press about his tax returns. Lindbergh told reporters that he realized it was often difficult to calculate what you really owe for income tax. Therefore, after calculating his tax each year, he always added 10% to what he thought he owed, and paid it. Lindbergh said he had been doing this for many years, and had never heard any complaints from the IRS. He deadpanned that he didn’t expect any rebates, either. This was the end of what Roosevelt had hoped would be a promising scandal.
Lindbergh also faced harsh criticism for his anti-interventionist testimony in Congress. The Richmond News Leader wrote: “Millions would vote today to hang Lindbergh or to exile him…Half the letters that have come to newspapers during the past few days have been abuse of him. Some of the communications have been so scurrilous that they could not be printed.” The author wrote that if Lindbergh wanted to boost Nazism and keep America out of war, he would be more effective by “keeping away from the committee room and plotting in the background.”
America First Committee
The America First Committee (AFC) was founded in September 1940 and became the most-powerful isolationist group in the United States. The AFC at its peak had an estimated 850,000 members. The AFC leadership approached Lindbergh in April 1941 and asked him to become a speaker for the organization. Lindbergh agreed to make speeches for the AFC, and made it clear that he would not accept any money for speaking, would pay his own expenses, and would not submit his speeches for approval. Lindbergh also joined the AFC’s executive committee.
Lindbergh attracted huge crowds wherever he spoke. When Lindbergh spoke for the AFC in New York City on May 23, 1941, the rally required Madison Square Garden. Some 25,000 people filled the flag-festooned stadium, and almost as many stood on the streets, listening to speeches over loudspeakers. Lindbergh’s introduction set off a wave of applause that practically shook the Garden. Lindbergh stressed that Americans must demand an accounting from a government that was leading America into war while it promised peace.
On the night of May 29, 1941, Lindbergh made a speech at the Arena in Philadelphia before an overflow crowd of 15,000. Lindbergh described President Roosevelt’s foreign policy as being designed to subtly but steadily engage America in the European war. Lindbergh said: “First they said, ‘sell us the arms and we will win.’ Then it was ‘lend us the arms and we will win.’ Now it is ‘bring us the arms and we will win.’ Tomorrow it will be ‘fight our war for us and we will win.’” Lindbergh reported that AFC’s membership was increasing by thousands every day, with chapters being formed all across the country.
The AFC gained momentum through the summer. On June 20, 1941, Lindbergh spoke at the Hollywood Bowl to an estimated overflow crowd of 80,000 – his largest live audience yet. Lindbergh spoke at San Francisco’s Civic Auditorium eleven nights later. He underscored the folly of America’s allying with any of the belligerents because of the fickleness of the European nations toward each other. Lindbergh also warned against an alliance with the Soviet Union. He said, “An alliance between the United States and Russia should be opposed by every American, by every Christian, and by every humanitarian in this country.”
Interventionist groups began to attack Lindbergh. For example, in August and September 1941, the interventionist group Friends of Democracy prepared an elaborate 28-page pamphlet entitled Is Lindbergh a Nazi? This pamphlet missed no argument in its attempts to discredit Lindbergh. Libraries across America also pulled Lindbergh’s books from their shelves, and some cities removed Lindbergh’s name from their streets and lists of honorary citizens.
By the middle of 1941, the interventionist assaults on Lindbergh were becoming increasingly vicious and effective. The interventionist attacks on Lindbergh reached historic proportions in September 1941.
On September 11, 1941, more than 8,000 people crowded into the Des Moines Coliseum to hear Lindberg speak at an AFC rally. Lindbergh had decided to make a “for-the-record” speech identifying the warmakers as he saw them. Lindbergh told his audience:
The three most-important groups who have been pressing this country toward war are the British, the Jewish, and the Roosevelt administration. Behind these groups, but of lesser importance, are a number of capitalists, Anglophiles, and intellectuals, who believe that their future, and the future of mankind, depend upon the domination of the British Empire. Add to these the Communistic groups who were opposed to intervention until a few weeks ago, and I believe I have named the major war agitators in this country.
This speech was the only public address in which Lindbergh mentioned Jews, as a group. movement or group exerting influence. Lindbergh in his speech elaborated on the Jewish group’s influence and motivations:
It is not difficult to understand why Jewish people desire the overthrow of Nazi Germany. The persecution they suffered in Germany would be sufficient to make bitter enemies of any race. No person with a sense of dignity of mankind can condone the persecution of the Jewish race in Germany. But no person of honesty and vision can look on their pro-war policy here today without seeing the dangers involved in such a policy, both for us and for them.
Instead of agitating for war, the Jewish groups in this country should be opposing it in every possible way, for they will be among the first to feel its consequences. Tolerance is a virtue that depends upon peace and strength. History shows that it cannot survive war and devastation. A few far-sighted Jewish people realize this, and stand opposed to intervention. But the majority still do not. Their greatest danger to this country lies in their large ownership and influence in our motion pictures, our press, our radio, and our Government.
I am not attacking either the Jewish or the British people. Both races I admire. But I am saying that the leaders of both the British and the Jewish races, for reasons which are as understandable from their viewpoint as they are inadvisable from ours, for reasons which are not American, wish to involve us in the war. We cannot blame them for looking out for what they believe to be their own interests, but we also must look out for ours. We cannot allow the natural passions and prejudices of other peoples to lead our country to destruction.
Rarely has any public address in American history caused more of an uproar than did Lindbergh’s Des Moines speech. Criticism and denunciations of Lindbergh’s speech came from all across the United States. Newspapers and organized interventionist groups joined in savage attacks on Lindbergh. Criticism of Lindbergh’s speech also emanated from high political levels in the United States. For example, Governor Thomas E. Dewey of New York called Lindbergh’s speech “an inexcusable abuse of the right of freedom of speech.”
Anne Lindbergh wrote in her diary concerning Lindbergh’s speech:
He names the “war agitators” – chiefly the British, the Jews, and the Administration. He does it truthfully, moderately, and with no bitterness or rancor – but I hate to have him touch the Jews at all. For I dread the reaction on him. No one else mentions this subject out loud (though many seethe bitterly and intolerantly underneath). C., as usual, must bear the brunt of being frank and open. What he is saying in public is not intolerant or inciting or bitter and it is just what he says in private, while the other soft-spoken cautious people who say terrible things in private would never dare be as frank in public as he. They do not want to pay the price. And the price will be terrible.
The AFC disbanded after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, and urged its members to cease all opposition to the war. Lindbergh wanted to serve in the U.S. military once the nation was at war. However, members of the Roosevelt administration made it clear that Lindbergh would have to admit his views had been wrong before his commission could be reinstated. This Lindbergh refused to do.
Lindbergh’s first applications to be employed in the private sector at Pan Am, Curtiss-Wright and United Aircraft all failed, perhaps due to pressure from the government. Lindbergh eventually became a consultant to Henry Ford in the production of B-24 bombers, and a year later was hired as a consultant with United Aircraft. Designated as a civilian observer, Lindbergh was allowed to fly dozens of combat missions in the Pacific theater near the end of the war. He displayed the skill and exceptional physical attributes that made him the world’s most famous flyer, and is credited with downing at least one Japanese plane.
Lindbergh, however, was no longer an American hero immediately after the war. Historian William O’Neill expressed the view of many Americans: “In promoting appeasement and military unpreparedness, Lindberg damaged his country to a greater degree than any other private citizen in modern times. That he meant well makes no difference…”
Fortunately, Lindbergh’s tarnished image slowly improved after the war. With the help of his wife, Lindbergh wrote the book The Spirit of St. Louis, which became an overwhelming bestseller with extremely favorable reviews. Lindbergh won the Pulitzer Prize for this book in the spring of 1954. On April 7, 1954, based on President Eisenhower’s nomination and Senate approval, Lindbergh was sworn in as a brigadier general. Lindbergh also had numerous job offers, most of which he refused, but he did maintain a series of positions on several boards, at which he worked indefatigably.
President John F. Kennedy invited the Lindberghs to a state dinner at the White House in 1962. This helped Lindbergh reemerge as a hero to many Americans, since by inviting Lindbergh to the White House, Kennedy affixed his stamp of approval. President Lyndon Johnson continued Lindbergh’s rehabilitation by inviting the Lindberghs to a number of official occasions, including a 1968 state dinner with the Apollo 8 astronauts.
Lindbergh in his later years joined several conservation organizations and put all his energy into the conservation and ecology movement. He died on August 26, 1974 in Maui, Hawaii of lymphatic cancer.
Lindbergh’s Des Moines speech was a catastrophe for the America First Committee and Lindbergh personally. Historian Bradley Hart writes: “There is little doubt that if Lindbergh had died prematurely in the mid-1930s he would be widely admired today. After 1941 his reputation would be permanently tarred with the stain of anti-Semitism and Nazi sympathies.”
Lindbergh never apologized for his Des Moines address and felt he had done nothing wrong. He wrote in his journal four days after his speech: “I felt I had worded my Des Moines address carefully and moderately. It seems that almost anything can be discussed in America except the Jewish problem. The mere mention of the word ‘Jew’ is cause for a storm. Personally, I feel that the only hope for a moderate solution lies in an open and frank discussion.”
Lindbergh in his Des Moines address had simply expressed publicly what he thought privately. He wrote in his journal on May 1, 1941: “Most of the Jewish interests in the country are behind war, and they control a huge part of our press and radio and most of our motion pictures.” The storm that erupted after his Des Moines speech proves the truth of what Lindbergh wrote in his journal. In 1941 through today in 2020, anyone who mentions the influence of Jewish interests or causes on Western media and governments will be viciously smeared and have their reputation irreparably harmed.
 Dunn, Susan, 1940: FDR, Wilkie, Lindbergh, Hitler – the Election amid the Storm, New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2013, p. 46.
 Denenberg, Barry, An American Hero: The True Story of Charles A. Lindbergh, New York: Scholastic Inc., 1996, p. 96.
 Berg, A. Scott, Lindbergh, New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1998, p. 428.
 Hart, Bradley W., Hitler’s American Friends: The Third Reich’s Supporters in the United States, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2018, p. 227.
 Berg, A. Scott, Lindbergh, New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1998, p. 433.
 Denenberg, Barry, An American Hero: The True Story of Charles A. Lindbergh, New York: Scholastic Inc., 1996, pp. 99-102.
 Ibid., pp. 110-112, 123-176.
 Ibid., pp. 177-187.
 Berg, A. Scott, Lindbergh, New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1998, pp. 355-357, 360, 367-368, 377-381.
 Wallace, Max, The American Axis: Henry Ford, Charles Lindbergh, and the Rise of the Third Reich, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2003, pp. 197, 204-208.
 Lindbergh, Anne Morrow, War Within and Without, New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1980, pp. 64-65.
 Wallace, Max, The American Axis: Henry Ford, Charles Lindbergh, and the Rise of the Third Reich, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2003, p. 215.
 Ross, Walter S., The Last Hero: Charles A. Lindbergh, New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1968, pp. 293-294.
 Wapshott, Nicholas, The Sphinx: Franklin Roosevelt, the Isolationists, and the Road to World War II, New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2015, p. 279.
 Denenberg, Barry, An American Hero: The True Story of Charles A. Lindbergh, New York: Scholastic Inc., 1996, p. 211.
 Berg, A. Scott, Lindbergh, New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1998, pp. 419-420.
 Ibid., pp. 420-421.
 Ibid., 421-422.
 Cole, Wayne S., Charles A. Lindberg and the Battle against American Intervention in World War II, New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974, p. 151.
 Berg, A. Scott, Lindbergh, New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1998, p. 421.
 Cole, Wayne S., Charles A. Lindbergh and the Battle against American Intervention in World War II, New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974, p. 153.
 Ibid., pp. 153, 159-161.
 Ibid., pp. 171-172.
 Ibid., pp. 173-175.
 Lindbergh, Anne Morrow, War Within and Without, New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1980, p. 220.
 Denenberg, Barry, An American Hero: The True Story of Charles A. Lindbergh, New York: Scholastic Inc., 1996, pp. 217-218.
 Ibid., pp. 218-220.
 Ibid., p. 221.
 Berg, A. Scott, Lindbergh, New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1998, pp. 487-491, 496.
 Denenberg, Barry, An American Hero: The True Story of Charles A. Lindbergh, New York: Scholastic Inc., 1996, p. 227.
 Ibid., pp. 229-230.
 Hart, Bradley W., Hitler’s American Friends: The Third Reich’s Supporters in the United States, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2018, p. 185.
 Lindbergh, Charles A., The Wartime Journals of Charles A. Lindbergh, New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1970, p. 539.
 Ibid., p. 481.