Nicholas, Alexandra, & Their Children
By Robert H. Williams
With the threat of „international Socialism,“ the
textbook name for Communism, so imminent in the Western world, nothing could be
more important to the future survival and freedom of our children than to show
them who set up the bloody Communist regime over the Russians and how they did
it.
But you can hardly find the facts in the libraries anymore
and the big publishing houses no longer dare publish such life-saving
information. Great hordes of the Marxist indoctrinated internationalists who
secretly engineered, or whose associated and racial kinsmen engineered, the
rise of Bolshevism in Russia, poured into America, both before and since the
1917 Communist revolution; and these revolutionaries are so well entrenched in
Washington, they have such a powerful propaganda and smear machine and they
control so much of the department store advertising-that hardly a single
politician or publisher will dare relate the significant facts about how their
machine destroyed Russia.
Eye-Witness Report
I want to quote at some length from one of the best
books ever written on the Bolshevik Revolution, The Last Days of the
Romanoffs [sic], by George Gustav Tellberg, Professor of Law in
Saratov University and former Minister of Justice of the Russian Government at
Omsk, and Robert Wilton, long-time Russian correspondent to the London
Times. The book was published in the United States in 1920 by George H.
Doran Company.
I believe one of the most valuable contributions I
could make to human freedom would be to make this information available again
to all who will read it.
The fly leaf shows that the book was copyrighted in
1920 by both the George H. Doran Company and the Curtis Publishing Company
(publisher of the Saturday Evening Post).
This book gives transcripts of a court of inquiry and
photostatic evidence identifying the murderers of the Czar and his family, and
shows incidentally, but authentically, that a certain small group of less than
a dozen Jews, by controlling the secret police, held the whip hand over the
entire Soviet regime.
It may be news to you that there ever was such a thing
as a court of inquiry held on the scene of the murder of the Czar and his
family. There was such a court, and Wilton, the co- author of the book, was
present throughout the inquiry as correspondent of the London Times.
It came about this way: The White Russian army, the
army of the anti-Bolshevik government set up in Siberia, recaptured the town of
Ekaterinburg a few days after the royal Romanoffs were murdered in that town;
and the Siberian Government set up the court to find the murderers. The
investigators got several signed confessions from some of the guards who
participated, one in the actual murder, the others in scrubbing up the bloody
floors and walls after the assassination.
Before the Siberian Government could apprehend more
than a handful of the guilty – these only the indoctrinated, propagandized
soldiers on guard who did only what they were told – the Red Army again took
Ekaterinburg; but fortunately for the world, Wilton escaped with the entire
court dossier. He released its essentials in the book I quote herein. The
official record is here; but where can you find a copy of this valuable book
today? To get one you have to make a deliberate search, whereas it ought to be
required reading in every high school. Not three teachers, preachers or
political „leaders“ out of a hundred know these facts – yet to know them might
enable us to prevent the international revolutionaries from destroying America.
Soviets Seized Power
The Royal family, including Czar Nicholas II, Empress
Alexandra Feodorovna, their son and their four daughters, together with such
servants as had been permitted to remain with them, were held prisoners in the
province of Omsk. Czar Nicholas, a highly religious Russian of kindly but weak
character, had been hoodwinked into resigning in the „February Revolution“ of
1917. After his resignation the „soviets“ or committees of Marxist
indoctrinated, unionized workmen sprang up like poison mushrooms, everywhere,
organized almost overnight by some unseen force. All these soviets were bent on
destroying the existing order and establishing a socialistic government. They
seized or dominated the governments of many cities and towns and out of this
revolutionary force rose the weak Socialist leader, Kerensky.
For nearly half a century Zionist agents had been
indoctrinating the seven or eight million Jews in Russia with Marxism. (The
late Chaim Weizmann, one of the principal leaders of these agents, in his
autobiography, Trial and Error, tells us that the Pale of Settlement,
the vast area which was virtually a Jewish land, was seething with
revolutionaries of all varieties, those who wanted to seize the government of
Russia and those who held that the best course for the Jews was to establish a
nation of their own in Palestine.)
The soviets were themselves a Jewish innovation, and
as their power grew in the cities, towns and villages, they seized telegraph
and telephone exchanges and railroad centers and though some of them, notably
east of the Urals, resisted Jewish domination, generally these committees were
dominated, openly or covertly, by their Jewish inspirers, and thus they put the
Jewish revolutionaries in a powerful position to terrorize any opposition.
Throughout most of 1917- to the October Revolution –
Kerensky remained head of the new government, but the German government, being
at war with Russia, France, Britain and the United States, wanted to put Russia
out of the war; so that government allowed the Bolshevik leaders, Lenin, and
associates, to pass in a sealed train from Switzerland through Germany into
Sweden, whence they infiltrated Russia. With support from inside the Social
Democratic party and many of the Jewish-run soviets, Lenin, joined by Trotsky
from New York, and other world Bolshevik leaders, gained the upper hand over
the Kerensky government. Wilton touches on these historic events as he unfolds
the tragedy of the Romanoffs.
German Government Soon Regretted
By the spring of 1918 the German government (as well
as the Allies) was alarmed at the rise of Bolshevik power and its
blood-letting, as well as its threat to spread throughout Europe. The
Bolsheviks had obliged Germany by taking Russia off her back, signing the
Brest-Litovsk peace treaty. Now the Kaiser's government secretly decided to try
to restore Nicholas II to the throne if he would endorse the peace treaty. It
was necessary to get him back in Moscow, if the plan was to succeed.
Wilton claimed that Mirbach, the German agent in
Moscow, still had great influence over the Red government, especially since so
many military leaders and former government officials, and provincial
governments not yet destroyed, were willing to work with any force that might
counter the Bolsheviks and perhaps restore the monarchy.
On some ruse, Mirbach persuaded Sverdlov to send an
envoy to bring Nicholas to Moscow. After all, it would strengthen the position
of the Bolshevik usurpers if the Czar could be „tried“ and found guilty of
treason or anything. Or if the Czar would agree to endorse the peace treaty,
the Allies would then no longer try to restore Nicholas as a means of getting
Russia back into the war.
Sverdlov sent one Yankel Yakovlev [as] „Bolshevik
commissar to the imperial family.“ He arrived at Tobolsk, where the Romanoffs
were held, April 22, 1918. He could not persuade Nicholas to agree to sanction
the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty, which Nicholas considered an eternal disgrace
to Russia, but he did persuade the ex-Czar to return to Moscow. They got as far
as Ekaterinburg, in the Urals, where the train was halted by the Viral Regional
Soviet, or revolutionary committee.
The Red Power Jewish
The soviet was dominated by „Goloshchekin, Safarov,
Voikov and Syromolotov, all four Jews.“ They used a Russian named Beloborodov
as figurehead president, a criminal, threatened by them with exposure and death
for his crime. „He was henceforth a mere straw man, kept in his place to
deceive the obstreperous Uralian miners, who did not wish to be ruled from
Moscow, much less by Jews.“
Goloshchekin was a member of Sverdlov's secret police,
the Chrezvychaika, [and] an old comrade and fellow revolutionary of Sverdlov's.
Telegrams and records at the telephone exchange, seized by the court of inquiry
after the White Russian army captured Ekaterinburg, showed that the soviet was
at all times in touch with their Jewish boss, Sverdlov in Moscow.
It was Sverdlov, master of the Chrezvychaika and head
of the Tsik, strong man of the Red government, who ordered Yakovlev to take the
Romanoffs via Ekaterinburg. Wilton suggests that Sverdlov must have been tipped
off by friends in Germany that the German government was secretly planning to
oust him and restore the monarchy.
Wilton might have been more specific, for it was well
known by the time his book was published that [it was] the German Jewish
bankers, the Warburgs (the family which now is so influential over the White
House) and the Jewish prime minister of Germany, who induced the Kaiser's
government to let the exiled Bolsheviks, Lenin and party, return to Russia
through Germany in a sealed train. Sverdlov himself had been associated with
the group in Germany and evidently was chosen by them.
Sverdlov, as president of the Tsik, was over the foreign as well as
domestic affairs of Sovietism, being in fact, Prime Minister.
Taken according to numbers of population, the Jews represented one in
ten (in Russia); among the komisors [commissars] that rule Bolshevist Russia
they are nine in ten.
In addition to Sverdlov, the Chrezvychaika (inquisition) was run by
Goloshchekin, Yurovsky, Efremov, Chustkevich and three other Jews.
The Ural Regional Soviet relieved Yakovlev of the
prisoners and held them in a local mansion. Presently the commander of the
guard, who had been a fanatical anti-Czar revolutionary, began to change,
seeing the modest nature of Nicholas and his devotion to Russia and especially
his concern for the peasants. He let sisters from a local Catholic institution
bring fresh eggs and vegetables to the royal family.
Sworn Confession
But Sverdlov had other plans for the royal family. He
put Yurovsky in charge. Yurovsky is described as a drunken Jewish criminal,
whose own mother opposed and feared him. Yurovsky relieved the Russian
commander and moved all Russian soldiers off the premises, to adjoining houses,
replacing them inside and immediately outside the prison house with foreign
revolutionaries.
Count Mirbach, the agent of the German government in
Moscow, was killed the second week in July. His murderers later were identified
as men from Sverdlov's secret police.
On July 17 (by the western calendar) Yurovsky took all
pistols away from the Russian soldiers and told them if they heard firing
during the night not to be alarmed.
Here is part of the sworn confession by one of the
guardsmen who participated in the murder, one Pavel Medvedoff:
A new commandant was assigned: his name was Iourovsky (Yurovsky) … In
the evening of July 16 … Iourovsky announced to me: „We will have to shoot them
all tonight; notify the guardsmen not to be alarmed if they should hear the
shots.“
About midnight Iourovsky woke up the czar's family … In about an hour
the whole family, the doctor, the maid and two waiters got up, washed and
dressed themselves…
Shortly after 1 o'clock in the night the czar, czaritza, their four
daughters, the maid, the doctor, the cook and the waiter left their rooms. The
czar carried the heir in his arms. The emperor and heir were dressed in „gimnosterkas“
(soldiers' shirts) and wore caps … During my presence nobody of the czar's family
asked anybody any questions. They did not either weep or cry. Having descended
the stairs to the first floor, we went out into the court, and from there by
the second door … we entered the lower floor of the house …
One chair was given to the emperor, one to the empress, and the third to
the heir. The empress sat by the wall with the window, near the back pillar of
the arch. Behind her stood three of her daughters. (I knew their faces very
well because I saw them every day when they were walking, but I didn't know
them by name). The heir and the emperor sat side by side, almost in the middle
of the room. Dr. Batkin stood behind the heir. The maid, a very tall woman,
stood by the left post of the door leading to the storeroom; by her side stood
one of the czar's daughters (the fourth). Two servants stood at the left from
the entrances of the room, against the wall separating the storeroom …
None Asked for Mercy
It looked as if all of them guessed their fate, but not a single sound
was uttered. At the same time eleven men entered the room: Iourovsky, his
assistant, two members of the extraordinary commission, and seven Letts. (Note:
Wilton did not believe they were Letts, as they wrote notes in Magyar,
mysteriously poor Magyar – RHW). Iouravsky ordered me to leave, saying, „Go to
the street, see if there is anybody there and if the shots can be heard.“
I went out to the court which was enclosed by a fence, and before I
could get out to the street I heard the firing. (Note: The court of inquiry had
evidence that the witness was lying at this point; that he himself participated
in the murder – RHW). Immediately I returned to the house (only two or three
minutes having elapsed), and on entering the room where the execution took
place, I saw all the members of the czar's family lying on the floor, having
many wounds in their bodies. The blood was running in streams, the doctor, the
maid and the waiters were also shot. When I entered, the heir was still alive
and moaning. Iourovsky went up and fired two or three more times at him. The
heir grew still …
After the assassination Iourovsky said to me that I was to bring some
guardsmen to wash up the blood in the room … At three o'clock in the morning
everything was in order. Then Iourovsky went to his room and I went to the
guardroom.
I woke up at eight o'clock and went to the commandant's room. I met
there the president of the district soviet, Beloborodoff (the figurehead president
– RHW) and Commissar Goloshchekin and Ivan Starkoff … All the rooms in the
house were in disorder … Suitcases and trunks were opened. Piles of gold and
silver things were laid on the tables of the commandant's room. Objects of
jewelry which were taken from the members of the czar's family just before the
murder, were also there; as well as things that were on them after their death
… I took also several silver rings and a few other trifles.
Answering the question as to where the bodies of the killed were taken …
Ermakoff explained to me that the bodies were thrown down the shaft of a mine
near the Verkh Issetsk works and after that the shaft was destroyed by bombs or
explosives in order to fill it up.
One of the Russian soldiers, Philip Proskouriakoff,
signed a sworn statement that he was called in immediately after the
assassination to help scrub up the floors. He described the scene as he found
it; and said Medvedoff told him immediately after the crime that Yurovsky had
told the czar just before shooting him, „Your race must cease to live.“
Other witnesses gave other versions of Yurovsky's last
words to the czar. Wilton reports: „Voikov, the Jew, boasted to his 'lady'
friends in Ekaterinburg after the murder that 'the world will never know what
we did with the bodies.’“
Fragments of Bodies Identified
The bodies were so completely destroyed that the
investigators found only fragments of them. But identification was positive.
False teeth, crown jewels overlooked by the murderers and readily recognized
personal possessions were found both outside and inside the mine shaft, with
finger bones and other body fragments, and fragments of clothing.
Wilton's comments (early in his book) on the seat of
power in the Red government are of special interest because Wilton had spent
many years in Russia as a newspaper man, his business that of gathering
information; and he had the benefit of the anti-Communist officials and
ex-officials and agencies. He states:
As there was no apparent authority, the local bodies [soviets – RHW]
often acted independently; indeed, Lenin encouraged this tendency. Vlast na
mestakh (every place its own master) was his motto. Lenin did not rule; the
Soviet system was governed by other people, the fellow-passengers who came with
him under German auspices. Though he delivered impassioned harangues before the
Sovnarkom and received deputations from minor soviets, the real power was
elsewhere – in the Tsik and Chrezvychaika.
Mirbach [the agent of the German government in Moscow-RHW] received his
daily report from the Chrezvychaika. He was murdered by two men who said they
came from that office. Lenin had as little to do with his death as he had with
the murders, a week later, of the ex-Tsar and his family. The Red Okhrana and
the inner circle of the Tsik were the veritable authors of the crime of
Ekaterinburg, and probably of Mirbach's assassination.
Nonentities, figureheads of the sovnarkom, do not interest us. We are
concerned with great, if maleficent, personages in the Red world. Most of them
are still unknown outside the ranks of the professional revolutionaries. A
goodly proportion of the hundred Jews who came out of Germany with Lenin, and
the hundreds who came from Chicago, deserve to be included in this gallery, for
they … held Russia under their sway. To enumerate and describe them would
require a small volume. I need sketch only those who act prominently in the
drama of Ekaterinburg. The most important were Sverdlov, Safarov, Voikov and
Goloshchekin, and the murderer-in-chief Yurovsky.
Sverdlov Supreme
The names of Safarov and Voikov figure in the list of Lenin's fellow
passengers [from Switzerland through Germany in 1917 – RHW). Both are very
powerful Bolshevists, holding high places in the executive and police branches.
Sverdlov is – I use the present tense because all these persons continue to
wield their influence to the present day – the uncrowned Tsar of the Soviets.
His authority is really much higher than that of Lenin or even Trotsky. He
dominates the Tsik and his creatures rule the Chrezvychaika.
(Wilton evidently wrote the above paragraph a short
time before Sverdlov's assassination and finished the manuscript after the
assassination – RHW.)
The closest personal bonds had existed for many years between
Goloshchekin and Sverdlov. They had been together in prison and exile.
Goloshchekin ranked as an internationalist of the most pronounced type …He was
bloodthirsty to an abnormal degree, even for a Red chieftain. People who knew
him at Ekaterinburg described Goloshchekin as a homicidal sadist He never
attended executions, but insisted upon hearing a detailed account of them. He
huddled in bed shivering and quaking till the executioner came with his report,
and would listen to his description of tortures: with a frenzy of joy, begging
for further details, gloating over the expressions, gestures and death-throes
of the victims as they passed before his diseased vision.
The origins of Yurovsky have been fully investigated. His parents and
relatives – all poor Jews – remained in Siberia after the murderer and his
chiefs and accomplices had fled from Ekaterinburg. He had been a watchmaker at
Tomsk, scarcely able to make ends meet. Naturally ambitious, he despised the
people around him. He was waiting for an opportunity. It came suddenly and
mysteriously. Yurovsky disappeared. This was before the war. He is next heard
of in Ekaterinburg as a photographic dealer. It leaked out that he had been to
Berlin and became possessed of some capital. When war came he evaded service in
the trenches by qualifying as a Red Cross assistant (feldsher) and remained in
Ekaterinburg. When the Bolshevists seized the government, Yurovsky became one
of the local agents of the new power.
Yankel (Jacob) Sverdlov, the Red Tsar … was despised and later killed by
Russian workmen.
There were upwards of seven million Jews in Russia at
the time of the Bolshevik revolution, according to Jewish writers. There are
today, in America, „a good two-thirds of all the Jews of the world,“ according
to one of their most eminent leaders – which means ten to twelve million.
Many of these Jews have found such wealth and freedom
in America that they do not want Communism or any advanced system of Socialism.
But others band themselves together in the most powerful smear and terrorist
organizations that ever existed in any nation in history, evidently determined
to rule or ruin.
Potential „Soviets“ in U.S.
How will they bring about the destruction of the
benevolent republic, the nation of free men which is the last hope of this age?
We are not wise enough to foresee which of the several
systems of potential Red „soviets“ they will use – perhaps the labor union or
the Anti-Defamation League locals or the „civil defense“ police.
We must be on guard against all of them. And the only
way to guard against them is to make enough people understand the origin and
nature of the world revolution in which we of this generation are caught. This
brief glimpse of the tragedy of Russia might help alert our people.
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