Jewish Insurrection or German Police Operation?
By Robert
Faurisson
Published:
1994-03-01
Each year, around
April 19, the media and politicians commemorate what they call the Warsaw
ghetto “uprising,” “revolt” or “insurrection.” [1] In
journalistic accounts the affair has taken on increasingly epic and symbolic
proportions. At a Holocaust ceremony in New York in April 1993, American Vice
President Al Gore declared: “The story of the Warsaw ghetto is sacred text for
our time.”[2] In fact, this “story” is a legend based only
partially on historical reality.
“An
insurrection never took place.”[3] This remark is by Marek
Edelman, who was a leader of one of the armed Jewish groups in the ghetto. He
added: “We didn’t even choose the day; the Germans set it by entering the
ghetto to find the last Jews.” Edelman also stated that the number of Jews who took
up arms never exceeded 220. (Other estimates of the number of Jewish ghetto
fighters range from several hundred to as many as 2,000. In any case, no more
than a minute portion of the ghetto population took part in the fighting.)[4]
Edelman’s
view has been confirmed by Yitzhak Zuckerman, another leader of the main Jewish
armed group in the ghetto. Zuckerman has defined the “war aims” of the Jewish
fighters in these words: “For us it was a question of organizing a defense, not
an uprising. In an uprising, the initiative is with the one rising up. We, we
sought only to defend ourselves; the initiative was entirely on the side of the
Germans.”[5]
This
was no uprising of an entire community to gain its freedom or to resist
deportation. It was, rather, the reaction of only a relative handful of young
Jews who, seeing German troops penetrate their sanctuary, first fought back,
then on the third day tried unsuccessfully to flee, and then, finally,
surrounded, put up sustained armed resistance.[6]
The
whole thing should more accurately be called a German police operation rather
than an “uprising” or “insurrection” by the Jews of Warsaw. By contrast, a real
uprising was staged in Warsaw, August-October 1944, by the Polish Home Army,
commanded by General “Bor” Komorowski. However, the media scarcely notes this
heroic insurrection, which the Soviets allowed the Germans to crush at their
leisure. The Poles fought with such courage that the Germans permitted them to
surrender with full military honors, treating them as prisoners of war under
the Geneva convention rather than as terrorist insurgents.
To
understand what happened in the Warsaw ghetto in April-May 1943, it is
important to know why the Germans decided to launch a police operation. In the
city’s “Jewish quarter” or “ghetto” were 36,000 officially registered
residents, as well as, in all probability, more than 20,000 clandestine
inhabitants.[7] The ghetto was, in a sense, a city within a
city, administered by a “Jewish Council” (Judenrat), and a Jewish
police force, which collaborated with the German occupation authorities, even
against Jewish “terrorists.” Many thousands of Jewish workers toiled in ghetto
workshops and factories, supplying products vital to the German war effort.
Following
the first Soviet air attack against central Warsaw on August 21, 1942, bomb
shelters were built, on German orders, everywhere in the city, including the
ghetto, for the protection of the residents. The Germans furnished the Jews
with the cement and other necessary materials for these shelters, which legend
has transformed into “blockhouses” and “bunkers.”[8] So
extensive was this “network of subterranean refuges and hiding places” that,
according to one prominent Holocaust historian, “in the end, every Jew in the
ghetto had his own spot in one of the shelters set up in the central part of
the ghetto.”[9]
Small
armed Jewish groups, numbering no more than 220 persons, were active. The most
important of these was the “Jewish Combat Organization” (JCO), whose members
were mostly young men in their twenties. Its “general directives for combat”
specified “acts of terror” against the Jewish police, the Jewish Council, and
the Werkschutz (protection service for the factories and workshops).
This JCO directive stated specifically: “The general staff works out the
central plan of action — sabotage and terror — directed against the enemy.”[10]
Accordingly,
these “fighters” or “terrorists” used “sabotage and terror” to shake down
Jewish ghetto police, Jewish Council officials, and workshop guards.[11] The “terrorists” also profited from the ghetto’s intensive
industrial and commercial life, shaking down merchants and other residents by
threat and blackmail, even holding them prisoner in their homes for ransom.
They were able to buy weapons from soldiers stationed in Warsaw, who, like
troops stationed elsewhere well behind the front lines, often served in
patchwork units, ill-trained and poorly motivated. The ghetto “terrorists” even
carried out murderous attacks against German troops and Jewish collaborators.
The
ghetto became increasingly insecure. Because of this, the Polish population
became more and more hostile to its existence, while the Germans, for their
part, feared that it could become a threat to the city’s important role as a rail
nexus in the war economy and as a hub for transport of troops to the Eastern
front. Himmler therefore decided to relocate the Jewish population, along with
the workshops and factories, to the Lublin region, and to raze the ghetto,
replacing it with a park. At first the Germans tried to convince the Jews to
voluntarily accept relocation. But the “terrorists” refused to accept this,
aware that such a transfer would mean for them losing, simultaneously, their
financial base as well as their freedom of movement. They devoted all their
efforts to opposing this, until on April 19, 1943, a police operation to
forcibly evacuate the remaining Jews was begun on Himmler’s order.
At
6:00 a.m. that morning, troops under the command of SS Colonel Ferdinand von
Sammern-Frankenegg entered the ghetto, supported by a single tracked vehicle
(captured during the invasion of France) and two armored cars. Initially the
“terrorists” or guerrillas offered stiff resistance, wounding 16 German SS men,
six Ukrainians (so-called “Askaris”), and two Polish policemen. One Polish
policeman was killed.[12]
Himmler,
eager to minimize casualties, was angered. That same morning, he relieved von
Sammern-Frankenegg of command and replaced him with SS General Jürgen Stroop.
Stroop, ordered to carry out the operation slowly to minimize casualties, did
so in the following manner: each morning, the troops would enter the ghetto,
clear buildings of their residents and use smoke candles (not poison gas) to
drive out the Jews hiding in the air-raid shelters; the buildings were
destroyed as they were evacuated. Each evening the troops sealed the ghetto so
that nobody could escape during the night.
Skirmishes
lasted from April 19 to May 16, 1943, so that altogether the operation required
28 days. On the third day, many of the Jewish armed fighters tried to escape,
most whom where shot or captured. Contrary to some reports, the German command
never called for air support to destroy the ghetto, and the operation involved
no aerial bombardment.
The
number of Jewish dead is unknown.[13] An often-cited figure
of 56,065 is, in fact, the number of Jews who were apprehended. The
great majority of these were deported, many to the transit camp at Treblinka
from where they were taken to Majdanek (Lublin).[14] German
deaths in the operation totalled 16. (This included one Polish policeman.)
One
should not doubt either the courage of the Jewish resistance in the ghetto or
the tragic nature of the whole affair, with the civilian population trapped in
the cross-fire between various heterogeneous German units and small groups of
Jewish guerrillas scattered throughout the ghetto. Contrary to some grandiose
propaganda claims, though, what took place was far from an “apocalyptic”
revolt, as one writer has recently called it,[15]
particularly when one is mindful of the tens of thousands of deaths, civilian
and military, that occurred during those same 28 days, on battlefields around
the globe and in the European cities bombarded by British and American air
forces.[16]
Notes
In the entry, “Warsaw Ghetto
Uprising,” in Encyclopedia of the Holocaust
(New York: 1990), historian Israel Gutman writes: “The Warsaw ghetto uprising
was the first instance in occupied Europe of an uprising by an urban
population. Its unique feature was the fact that it was a general rebellion
in which armed fighters took part together with masses of Jews hiding out in
bunkers and refuges.” (Vol. 4, p. 1631).
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S. Birnbaum, JTA dispatch, Jewish
Bulletin of Northern California (San Francisco), April 23, 1993,
p. 9.
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Libération
(Paris), April 18, 1988, p. 27.; In an interview published in the Austrian
news magazine Profil, April 19, 1993, p. 86,
Edelman likewise referred to “our 200 fighters.”
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Israeli Holocaust historian
Yehuda Bauer contends that altogether there were 750 Jewish ghetto fighters,
organized in two combat organizations. See: Y. Bauer, A
History of the Holocaust (New York: 1982), p. 262. According to Jewish Holocaust
specialist Israel Gutman, “the total Jewish fighting forces in the ghetto
numbered 700 to 750.” See: Encyclopedia of the Holocaust
(New York, 1990), Vol. 4, p. 1628. Holocaust
historian Raul Hilberg likewise puts the “total armed strength” of the Jewish
ghetto fighters at “about 750.” See: R. Hilberg, The Destruction of the
European Jews (Holmes & Meier, 1985), p. 512. Richard Lukas, a specialist of Polish
history, cites estimates of between 1,000 and 2,000 Jewish ghetto fighters,
noting that the combatants were thus only about three to five percent of the
ghetto’s population. See: Richard C. Lukas, The Forgotten Holocaust:
The Poles Under German Occupation, 1939–1944 (Lexington, Ky.:
1986), pp. 172, 178, 267 (n. 106).
Jewish historian Ber Mark
contends that there were perhaps a thousand “organized” Jewish fighters, with
many others helping in the struggle. See: Ber Mark, Uprising
in the Warsaw Ghetto (New York: Schocken, 1975) p. 15, and, Ber
Mark, “The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising,” in: Yuri Suhl, ed., They
Fought Back (1967), p. 93.
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N. Weill, “L’Insurrection du
ghetto de Varsovie,” Le Monde (Paris), April 18–19,
1993, p. 2.; Zuckerman (1915–1981), whose name is sometimes spelled
“Cukierman,” was also known by his nom de guerre,
“Antek.” His memoir was published in 1993 under the title A
Surplus of Memory: Chronicle of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (Univ.
of Calif. Press).
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Forty survivors of the original
group of 200 fighters, including Marek Edelman, succeeded in escaping from
the ghetto, May 8–10, 1943. See: M. Edelman interview in Profil
(Vienna), April 19, 1993, p. 86.
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Even though it had a wall
around it, the Warsaw ghetto was largely “open.” In this sense, it deserved
to be designated as a “residential district” or “quarter” rather than a
“ghetto.”
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See: Leon Poliakov, Harvest
of Hate (New York: 1979), p. 230.
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Israel Gutman, “Warsaw Ghetto
Uprising,” Encyclopedia of the Holocaust
(New York: 1990), p. 1628.
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Cited by Adam Rutkowski in an
article reprinted in a special issue of the French periodical, Le
Monde Juif, April-August 1993, p. 162.; The “Jewish Combat
Organization” (JCO) or “Jewish Fighting Organization,” was known in Polish as
the “Zydowska Organizacja Bojowa” (ZOB).;
Details about the methods employed by the JCO are provided by Yisrael
Gutman in his book, The Jews of Warsaw, 1939–1943: Ghetto,
Underground, Revolt (1982), pp. 344–349.
These methods scarcely differed
from those of the Mafia. The Germans knew that they faced strong opposition.
They sought to convince the Jews to allow themselves to be transferred to the
Lublin region, along with the factories and workshops that served the German
war effort. In March 1943 a strange “poster war” took place between the
Jewish Combat Organization (JCO) and Walter C. Többens, who was responsible
for evacuating the Jews. The JCO’s notices called on the Jewish residents to
refuse transfer to what it called the death camps. The Germans left these
handbills in place, content to put up alongside them notices signed “Walter
C. Többens,” in which the claims of the JCO were refuted point by point.
Gutman acknowledges: “Többens told the truth about these transports; they weren’t to death camps, and it is a fact that there were buildings for integrating the factories [in the Lublin region]. But at the time the resistance and the suspicions of the Jews were so strong that even the most ingenious tactics weren’t able to overcome them.” (pp. 334–335) It was only after determining that methods of persuasion had been stymied that the Germans decided on their police operation. |
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On these points, as well as
many others, see, notably: The
Jews of Warsaw, 1939–1943: Ghetto, Underground, Revolt, by
Yisrael Gutman, translated from the Hebrew by Ina Friedman (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1982, 487+xxii pages), and, Il
y a 50 ans: le soulèvement du ghetto de Varsovie (“Fifty Years
Ago: The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising”), special edition of Le
Monde Juif, April-August 1993, 336 pages. The latter work includes a reprint of an article by Adam
Rutkowski, published in 1969 under the title “Quelques documents sur la
révolte du ghetto de Varsovie” (“Some Documents on the Warsaw Ghetto
Revolt”), pp. 160–169. On page 162 appear the “general directives for combat
of the Jewish Combat Organization.”
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The “Stroop Report,” dated May
16, 1943, is entitled “Es gibt keinen jüdischen Wohnbezirk in Warschau mehr!”
(“The Jewish Residential District in Warsaw Is No More!”). Text published as
Nuremberg document PS-1061 (USA-275) in: International Military Tribunal, Trial
of the Major War Criminals Before the International Military Tribunal
(“blue series”), Vol. 26, pp. 628–694, followed by a selection of 18
photographs (of 52). A purported facsimile edition of the German original of
this report, including Stroop’s telex reports, along with an English-language
translation, has been published in the US as: The Stroop Report: The
Jewish Quarter in Warsaw Is No More! (New York: Pantheon Books,
1979), Translated from the German and annotated by Sybil Milton, Introduction
by Andrzej Wirth.
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In his telex report of May 24,
1943, General Stroop stated: “Of the total 56,065 Jews apprehended, about
7,000 were annihilated directly in the course of the large-scale operation in
the former Jewish quarter. 6,929 Jews were destroyed through transport to T
II [an apparent reference to the Treblinka II camp], making a total of 13,929
annihilated Jews. In addition to this figure of 56,065, an estimated 5,000 to
6,000 Jews were annihilated in explosions or fires.” See: The Stroop Report
(New York: 1979), [pages not numbered].
In the entry, “Warsaw Ghetto Uprising,” in Encyclopedia of the Holocaust (p. 1630), Israel Gutman writes: “On May 16 Stroop announced that the fighting was over and that ‘we succeeded in capturing altogether 56,065 Jews, that is, definitely destroying them’.” The words ascribed here to Stroop are not accurate. What he actually wrote in his report of May 16 is this: “The total number of Jews apprehended or confirmed destroyed is 56,065.” |
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“After the people had been
taken out of the Ghetto — they numbered between 50,000 and 60,000 — they were
brought to the railway station. The Security Police [Sicherheits-polizei] had
complete supervision of these people and were in charge of the transport of
these people to Lublin.” From an affidavit of Jürgen Stroop, which was quoted
as document 3841-PS (USA-804) by American prosecutor Col. Amen at the
Nuremberg Tribunal on April 12, 1946. Text published in: International
Military Tribunal, Trial of the Major War Criminals Before the
International Military Tribunal (“blue series”), Vol. 11, pp.
354–355.
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“The terrible, exemplary, and
apocalyptic revolt of the inhabitants of the Warsaw ghetto is at once an act
of despair and of heroism.” See: D. Desthomas, La Montagne,
April 17, 1993, p. 12.
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Exaggerations about “the Warsaw
ghetto uprising” appear regularly in the media around the world. A comparison
of exaggerations and inventions in the Brazilian press on this subject with
the facts recently appeared in a revisionist periodical in Brazil. See: S.E.
Castan, “Documento: A Verdadeira História do Levante do Gueto de Varsóvia,” Boletim-EP
(Esclarcimento ao Pais), June 1993, pp. 7–14. Address: Boletim-EP,
Caixa Postal 11.011, Ag. Menino Deus, 90880-970 Porto Alegre, RS, Brazil.
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