Published in
1940 by the Washington Journal under the auspices of the Deutsche
Informationsstelle.
This digitalized version © 2009 by The Scriptorium.
This digitalized version © 2009 by The Scriptorium.
Dr. Friedrich Stieve
Germany's enemies maintain today that Adolf Hitler is the greatest disturber
of peace known to history, that he threatens every nation with sudden attack
and oppression, that he has created a terrible war machine in order to cause
trouble and devastation all around him. At the same time they intentionally
conceal an all-important fact: they themselves drove the Leader of the German
people finally to draw the sword. They themselves compelled him to seek to
obtain at last by the use of force that which he had been striving to gain by
persuasion from the beginning: the security of his country. They did this not
only by declaring war on him on September 3, 1939, but also by blocking
step for step for seven years the path to any peaceful discussion.
The attempts repeatedly made by Adolf Hitler to induce the governments of
other states to collaborate with him in a reconstruction of Europe resemble an
ever-recurring pattern in his conduct since the commencement of his labors for
the German Reich. But these attempts were wrecked every time by reason of the
fact that nowhere was there any willingness to give them due consideration,
because the evil spirit of the Great War still prevailed everywhere, because in
London and Paris and in the capitals of the Western Powers' vassal states there
was only one fixed intention: to perpetuate the power of Versailles.
A rapid glance at the most important events will furnish incontrovertible
proof for this statement.
When Adolf Hitler came to the fore, Germany was as gagged and as helpless
as the victors of 1918 wanted her to be. Completely disarmed, with an army of
only 100,000 men intended solely for police duties within the country, she
found herself within a tightly closed ring of neighbors all armed to the teeth
and leagued together. To the old enemies in the West, Britain, Belgium and
France, new ones were artificially created and added in the East and the South:
above all Poland and Czechoslovakia. A quarter of the population of Germany
were forcibly torn away from their mother country and handed over to foreign
powers. The Reich, mutilated on all sides and robbed of every means of defense,
at any moment could become the helpless victim of some rapacious neighbor.
Then it was that Adolf Hitler for the first time made his appeal to the
common sense of the other powers. On May 17, 1933, a few months after his
appointment to the office of Reichskanzler, he delivered a speech in the German
Reichstag, from which we extract the following passages:
"Germany will be perfectly ready to disband her entire military
establishment and destroy the small amount of arms remaining to her, if the neighboring countries will do the same thing with equal
thoroughness.
... Germany is entirely ready to renounce aggressive weapons of every sort
if the armed nations, on their part, will destroy their aggressive weapons
within a specified period, and if their use is forbidden by an international
convention.
... Germany is at all times prepared to renounce offensive weapons if the
rest of the world does the same. Germany is prepared to agree to any solemn
pact of non-aggression because she does not think of attacking anybody but only
of acquiring security."
No answer was received.
Without paying any heed the others continued to fill their arsenals with
weapons, to pile up their stores of explosives, to increase the numbers of
their troops. At the same time the League of Nations, the instrument of the
victorious powers, declared that Germany must first pass through a period of
"probation" before it would be possible to discuss with her the
question of the disarmament of the other countries. On October 14, 1933,
Hitler broke away from this League of Nations with which it was impossible to
come to any agreement. Shortly afterwards, however, on December 18, 1933,
he came forward with a new proposal for the improvement of international
relations. This proposal included the following six points:
"1. Germany receives full equality of rights.
2. The fully armed States undertake amongst
themselves not to increase their armaments beyond their present level.
3. Germany adheres to this agreement, freely
undertaking to make only so much actual moderate use of the equality of rights
granted to her as will not represent a threat to the security of any other
European power.
4. All States recognize certain obligations in
regard to conducting war on humane principles, or to the elimination of certain
weapons for use against the civilian population.
5. All States accept a uniform general control
which will watch over and ensure the observance of these obligations.
6. The European nations guarantee one another the
unconditional maintenance of peace by the conclusion of non-aggression pacts,
to be renewed after ten years."
Following upon this a proposal was made to increase the strength of the
German army to 300,000 men, corresponding to the strength required by Germany
"having regard to the length of her frontiers and the size of the armies
of her neighbors", in order to protect her threatened territory against
attacks. The defender of the principle of peaceable agreement was thus trying
to accommodate himself to the unwillingness of the others to disarm by
expressing a desire for a limited increase of armaments for his own country. An
exchange of notes, starting from this and continuing for years, finally came to
a sudden end with an unequivocal "no" from France. This
"no" was moreover accompanied by tremendous increases in the armed
forces of France, Britain and Russia.
In this way Germany's position became still
worse than before. The danger to the Reich was so great that Adolf Hitler felt
himself compelled to act. On March 16, 1935, he reintroduced
conscription. But in direct connection with this measure he once more announced
an offer of agreements of an extensive nature, the purpose of which was to
ensure that any future war would be conducted on humane principles, in fact to
make such a war practically impossible by eliminating destructive armaments. In
his speech of May 21, 1935, he declared:
"The German Government is ready to take an active part in all efforts
which may lead to a practical limitation of armaments. It regards a return to
the former idea of the Geneva Red Cross Convention as the only possible way to
achieve this. It believes that at first there will be only the possibility of a
gradual abolition and outlawry of weapons and methods of warfare which are
essentially contrary to the Geneva Red Cross Convention which is still valid.
Just as the use of dumdum bullets was once forbidden and, on the whole,
thereby prevented in practice, so the use of other definite arms should be
forbidden and prevented. Here the German Government has in mind all those arms
which bring death and destruction not so much to the fighting soldiers as to
non-combatant women and children.
The German Government considers as erroneous and ineffective the idea to do
away with aeroplanes while leaving the question of bombing open. But it
believes it possible to proscribe the use of certain arms as contrary to
international law and to excommunicate those nations which still use them from
the community of mankind, its rights and its laws.
It also believes that gradual progress is the best way to success. For
example, there might be prohibition of the dropping of gas, incendiary and
explosive bombs outside the real battle zone. This limitation could then be
extended to complete international outlawry of all bombing. But so long as
bombing as such is permitted, any limitation of the number of bombing planes is
questionable in view of the possibility of rapid substitution.
Should bombing as such be branded as a barbarity contrary to international
law, the construction of bombing aeroplanes will soon be abandoned as
superfluous and of no purpose. If, through the Geneva Red Cross Convention, it
turned out possible as a matter of fact to prevent the killing of a defenseless
wounded man or prisoner, it ought to be equally possible to forbid, by an
analogous convention, and finally to stop, the bombing of equally defenseless
civilian populations.
In such a fundamental way of dealing with the problem, Germany sees a
greater reassurance and security for the nations than in all pacts of
assistance and military conventions.
The German Government is ready to agree to any limitation which leads to
abolition of the heaviest arms, especially suited for aggression. Such are,
first, the heaviest artillery, and, secondly, the heaviest tanks. In view of
the enormous fortifications on the French frontier such international abolition
of the heaviest weapons of attack would ipso facto give France 100 per
cent security.
Germany declares herself ready to agree to any limitation whatsoever of the
calibre-strength of artillery, battleships, cruisers and torpedo boats. In like
manner the German Government is ready to accept any international limitation of
the size of warships. And finally it is ready to agree to limitation of tonnage
for submarines, or to their complete abolition in case of international
agreement.
And it gives the further assurance that it will agree to any international
limitation or abolition of arms whatsoever for a uniform space of time."
This time again Hitler's declarations did not find the slightest response. On the contrary, France made an alliance with Russia in order to increase
her preponderating influence on the Continent still further, and to augment to
a gigantic degree the pressure on Germany from the East.
In view of the evident destructive intentions of
his opponents, Adolf Hitler was therefore obliged to take new measures to
ensure the safety of the German Reich. On March 3, 1936, he occupied the
Rhineland, which had been without military protection since Versailles, and
thus closed the wide gate through which the Western neighbor could carry out an
invasion. Once again he followed the defensive step which he had been obliged
to take with a liberal appeal for general reconciliation and for the settlement
of all differences. On March 31, 1936, he formulated the following peace
plan:
"1. In order to give to future agreements securing the peace of
Europe the character of inviolable treaties, those nations participating in the
negotiations do so only on an entirely equal footing and as equally esteemed
members. The sole compelling reason for signing these treaties can only lie in
the generally recognized and obvious practicability of these agreements for the
peace of Europe, and thus for the social happiness and economic prosperity of
the nations.
2. In order to shorten in the economic interest of
the European nations the period of uncertainty, the German Government proposes
a limit of four months for the first period up to the signing of the pacts of
non-aggression guaranteeing the peace of Europe.
3. The German Government gives the assurance not
to add any reinforcements whatsoever to the troops in the Rhineland during this
period, always provided that the Belgian and French Governments act in the same
way.
4. The German Government gives the assurance not
to move during this period closer to the Belgian and French frontiers the
troops at present stationed in the Rhineland.
5. The German Government proposes the setting up
of a commission composed of the two guarantor Powers, Britain and Italy, and a
disinterested third neutral power, to guarantee this assurance to be given by
both parties.
6. Germany, Belgium and France are each entitled
to send a representative to this Commission. If Germany, France or Belgium
think that for any particular reason they can point to a change in the military
situation having taken place within this period of four months, they have the
right to inform the Guarantee Commission of their observations.
7. Germany, Belgium and France declare their
willingness in such a case to permit this Commission to make the necessary
investigations through the British and Italian military attaches, and to report
thereon to the Powers participating.
8. Germany, Belgium and France give the assurance
that they will bestow the fullest consideration to the objections arising
therefrom.
9. Moreover the German Government is willing on a
basis of complete reciprocity with Germany's two western neighbors to agree to
any military limitations on the German western frontier.
10. Germany, Belgium and France and the two
guarantor Powers agree to enter into negotiations under the leadership of the
British Government at once or, at the latest, after the French elections, for
the conclusion of a 25-years non-aggression or security pact between France and
Belgium on the one hand, and Germany on the other.
11. Germany agrees that Britain and Italy shall
sign this security pact as guarantor Powers once more.
12. Should special engagements to render military
assistance arise as a result of these security agreements, Germany on her part
declares her willingness to enter into such engagements.
13. The German Government hereby repeats its
proposal for the conclusion of an air-pact to supplement and consolidate these
security agreements.
14. The German Government repeats that should the
Netherlands so desire it is willing to include that country too in this
West-European security agreement.
15. In order to stamp this peace-pact, voluntarily
entered into between Germany and France, as the reconciliatory conclusion of a
centuries-old dispute, Germany and France pledge themselves to take steps to
see that in the education of the young, as well as in the press and
publications of both nations, everything shall be avoided which might be
calculated to poison the relationship between the two peoples, whether it be a
derogatory or contemptuous attitude, or improper interference in the internal
affairs of the other country. They agree to set up at the headquarters of the
League of Nations at Geneva, a joint commission whose function it shall be to
lay all complaints received before the two Governments for information and
investigation.
16. In pursuance of their intention to give this
agreement the character of a sacred pledge, Germany and France undertake to
ratify it by means of a plebiscite of the two nations.
17. Germany expresses her willingness, on her part,
to establish contact with the states on her south-eastern and north-eastern
frontiers, in order to invite them directly to conclude the pacts of
non-aggression already proposed.
18. Germany expresses her willingness to re-enter
the League of Nations, either at once, or after the conclusion of these
agreements. At the same time, the German Government again expresses as its
expectation that, after a reasonable time and by the method of friendly
negotiations, the question of colonial equality of rights and that of the
separation of the Covenant of the League of Nations from its foundations in the
Versailles Treaty will be cleared up.
19. Germany proposes the setting up of an
International Court of Arbitration, which shall be responsible for the
observance of the various agreements concluded, and whose decisions shall be
binding on all parties.
After the conclusion of this great work of securing European peace, the
German Government considers it urgently necessary to endeavor by practical
measures to put a stop to the unlimited competition in armaments. In her
opinion this would mean not merely an improvement in the financial and economic
position of the nations, but above all a diminution of the psychological tension.
The German Government, however, has no faith in the attempt to bring about
universal settlements, as this would be doomed to failure from the outset, and
can therefore be proposed only by those who have no interest in achieving
practical results. On the other hand it is of the opinion that the negotiations
held and the results achieved in limiting naval armaments should have an
instructive and stimulating effect.
The German Government therefore proposes that future conferences shall have
one clearly defined objective.
For the present, it believes the most important task is to bring aerial
warfare into the moral and humane atmosphere of the protection afforded to
non-combatants or the wounded by the Geneva Convention. Just as the killing of
defenseless wounded, or prisoners, or the use of dumdum bullets, or the waging
of submarine warfare without warning, have been either forbidden or regulated
by international conventions, so it must be possible for civilized humanity to
prevent the senseless abuse of any new type of weapon, without running counter
to the object of warfare.
The German Government therefore puts forward the proposal that the
immediate practical tasks of this conference shall be:
1. Prohibition of dropping gas, poison, or
incendiary bombs.
2. Prohibition of dropping bombs of any kind
whatsoever on open towns and villages outside the range of the medium-heavy
artillery of the fighting fronts.
3. Prohibition of the bombarding with long-range
guns of towns more than 20 km. distant from the battle zone.
4. Abolition and prohibition of the construction
of tanks of the heaviest type.
5. Abolition and prohibition of artillery of the
heaviest calibre.
As soon as possibilities for further limitation of armaments emerge from
such discussions and agreements, they should be utilized.
The German Government hereby declares itself prepared to join in every such
settlement, in so far as it is valid internationally.
The German Government believes that if even a first step is made on the
road to disarmament, this will be of enormous importance to the relationship
between the nations, and to the recovery of confidence, trade and prosperity.
In accordance with the general desire for the restoration of favorable
economic conditions, the German Government is prepared immediately after the
conclusion of the political treaties to enter into an exchange of opinions on
economic problems with the other nations concerned, in the spirit of the
proposals made, and to do all that lies in its power to improve the economic
situation in Europe, and the world economic situation which is closely bound up
with it.
The German Government believes that with the peace plan proposed above it
has made its contribution to the reconstruction of a new Europe on the basis of
reciprocal respect and confidence between sovereign states. Many opportunities
for such a pacification of Europe, for which Germany has so often in the last
few years made her proposals, have been neglected. May this attempt to achieve
European understanding succeed at last!
The German Government confidently believes that it has opened the way in
this direction by submitting the above peace plan."
Anyone who today reads this comprehensive peace plan will realize in what
direction the development of Europe, according to the wishes of Adolf Hitler,
should really have proceeded. Here was the possibility of truly constructive
work, this could have been a real turning-point for the welfare of all nations.
But once more he who alone called for peace was not heard. Only Britain replied
with a rather scornful questionnaire which avoided any serious consideration of
the essential points involved. Incidentally, however, she disclosed
her actual intentions by setting herself up as the protector of France and by
instituting and commencing regular military staff conversations with the French
Republic just as in the period before the Great War.
There could no longer be any doubt now that the Western Powers were
following the old path towards an armed conflict and were steadily preparing a
new blow against Germany, although Adolf Hitler's whole thoughts and endeavors
were directed towards proving to them that he wanted to remain on the best
possible terms with them. In the course of the years he had undertaken numerous
steps in this direction, of which a few more shall be referred to here. He
negotiated the Naval Agreement of June 18, 1935 with Great Britain,
which provided that the German Navy should only have a strength of 35% of that
of the British Navy. By this he wanted to demonstrate that the Reich, to use
his own words, had "neither the intention nor the means, nor was it
necessary" to enter into any rivalry as regards naval power, such as had
had so fateful an influence on its relations to Great Britain in the
well-remembered days before the Great War.
He assured France on every possible occasion of his desire to live at peace
with her. He repeatedly renounced in plain terms any claim to Alsace-Lorraine.
On the return to the Reich of the Saar territory as the result of the
plebiscite, he declared on March 1, 1935:
"It is our hope that through this act of just compensation, in which
we see a return to natural reason, relations between Germany and France have
permanently improved. Therefore as we desire peace, we must hope that our great
neighbor is ready and willing to seek peace with us. It must be possible for
two great people to join together and collaborate in opposing the difficulties
which threaten to overwhelm Europe."
He even endeavored to arrive at a better understanding with Poland, the
eastern ally of the Western Powers, although this country had unlawfully incorporated millions of Germans in 1919 and had subjected them to the worst oppression ever since. On January 26, 1934, he concluded a non-aggression pact with her in which the two
Governments agreed "to settle directly all questions of whatever sort
which concern their mutual relations."
Thus on all sides he opposed to the enemy plans his determination to
preserve peace and strove to protect Germany in this way. When however he saw
that London and Paris were arming for attack, he was once more obliged to
undertake fresh measures of defense. The enemy camp, as we have seen above, had
been enormously extended through the alliance between France and Russia. In
addition to this the two powers had secured a line of communication to the south
of the Reich through Czechoslovakia having concluded a treaty with Russia which
put her in the position of a bridge between east and west. Czechoslovakia,
however, was in control of the high-lying country of Bohemia and Moravia, which
Bismarck had called the citadel of Europe, and this citadel projected far into
German territory. The threat to Germany thus assumed truly overpowering
proportions.
The genius of Adolf Hitler found a way of meeting this danger. The conditions in German Austria, which under the terror of the Schuschnigg Government were tending towards
civil war, offered him the opportunity of stepping in to save the situation,
and to lead back into the Reich the sister nation to the south-east that had
been sentenced by the victorious powers to lead the life of a hopelessly
decaying "Free State". After he had thus established himself near the
line of communication between France and Russia mentioned above, a process of
dissolution set in in the mixed State of Czechoslovakia, which had been
artificially put together from the most diverse national elements, until after
the liberation of the Sudetenland and the secession of Slovakia, the Czechs
themselves asked for the protection of the German Reich. With this the enemy's
bridge came into Adolf Hitler's possession; and at the same time direct
connection was made possible with Italy, whose friendship had been secured some
time previously.
While he was gaining this strategical success for the security of his
country, Adolf Hitler was again endeavoring with great eagerness to reach a
peaceable understanding with the Western Powers. In Munich directly after
liberation of the Sudeten Germans, approved by Britain, France and Italy, he
made an agreement with the British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, the
text of which was a follows:
"We have had a further meeting to-day and have agreed in recognizing
that the question of Anglo-German relations is of the first importance for the
two countries and for Europe.
We regard the agreement signed last night and the Anglo-German Naval
Agreement as symbolic of the desire of our two peoples never to go to war with
one another again.
We are resolved that the method of consultation shall be the method adopted
to deal with any other questions that may concern our two countries, and we are
determined to continue our efforts to remove possible sources of difference and
thus to contribute to assure the peace of Europe."
September 30, 1938. Adolf Hitler, Neville
Chamberlain."
Two months later, on Hitler's instructions, the German Foreign Minister,
von Ribbentrop, made the following agreement with France:
"Herr Joachim von Ribbentrop, Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs,
and M. Georges Bonnet, French Minister of Foreign Affairs,
acting in the name and by order of their Governments, are, at their meeting in Paris, on December 6, 1938, agreed as follows:
and M. Georges Bonnet, French Minister of Foreign Affairs,
acting in the name and by order of their Governments, are, at their meeting in Paris, on December 6, 1938, agreed as follows:
1. The German Government and the French Government
fully share the conviction that peaceful and good-neighborly relations between
Germany and France constitute one of the most essential elements for the
consolidation of the situation in Europe and the maintenance of general peace.
The two Governments will in consequence use all their efforts to ensure the
development of the relations between their countries in this direction.
2. The two Governments recognize that between the
two countries there is no territorial question outstanding, and they solemnly
recognize as final the frontiers between their countries as they now exist.
3. The two Governments are resolved, while leaving
unaffected their particular relations with other Powers, to remain in contact
with regard to all questions concerning their two countries, and mutually to
consult should the later evolution of those questions lead to international
difficulties.
In token whereof the representatives of the two Governments have signed the
present Declaration, which comes into immediate effect.
Done in two original Documents in the French and German language
respectively, in Paris, December 6, 1938.
Joachim von Ribbentrop,
Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs
Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs
Georges Bonnet,
Minister for Foreign Affairs"
Minister for Foreign Affairs"
According to all calculations one should have been able to assume that the
way was clear for collaborative reconstruction in which all leading powers
would participate, and that the Fuehrer's endeavors to secure peace would at
last meet with success. But the contrary was true. Scarcely had Chamberlain reached home when he called for
rearmament on a considerable scale and laid plans for a new and tremendous
encirclement of Germany. Britain now took over from
France the leadership of this further encirclement of the Reich, in order to
obtain a substitute for the lost Czechoslovakia many times its value. She
opened negotiations with Russia, granted Poland a guarantee and also Rumania,
Greece and Turkey. These were alarm signals of the greatest urgency.
Just at this time Adolf Hitler was occupied with the task of finally
eliminating sources of friction with Poland. For this purpose he had made an
uncommonly generous proposal by which the purely German Free City of Danzig
would return to the Reich, and a narrow passage through the Polish Corridor,
which since 1919 had torn asunder the north-eastern part of Germany to an
unbearable extent, would provide communication with the separated area. This
proposal, which moreover afforded Poland the prospect of a 25-year
non-aggression pact and other advantages, was nevertheless rejected in
Warsaw, because there it was believed, conscious as the authorities were of
forming one of the principal members of the common front set up by London
against Germany, that any concession, however minor, could be refused. This was
not all! With the same consciousness Poland then started to be aggressive,
threatened Danzig, and prepared to take up arms against Germany.
Thus the moment was close at hand for the attack on the Reich by the
countries which had been brought together for the purpose. Adolf Hitler, making
a final extreme effort in the interests of peace, saved what he could. On August
23rd, Ribbentrop succeeded in reaching an agreement in Moscow for a
non-aggression pact with Russia. Two days later the German Fuehrer himself made
a final and truly remarkable offer to Britain, declaring himself ready "to
enter into agreements with Great Britain", "which... would not only,
on the German side, in any case safeguard the existence of the British Empire,
but if necessary would guarantee German assistance for the British Empire,
irrespective of where such assistance might be required". At the same time
he was prepared "to accept a reasonable limitation of armaments, in
accordance with the new political situation and economic requirements".
And finally he assured once again that he had no interest in the issues in the
west and that "a correction of the borders in the west are out of any
consideration."
The reply to this was a pact of assistance signed the same day between
Britain and Poland, which rendered the outbreak of war inevitable. Then a
decision was made in Warsaw to mobilize at once against Germany, and the Poles
began with violent attacks not only on the Germans in Poland, who for some time had been the victims of frightful massacres, but on Germans in German territory.
But even when Britain and France had already declared the war they desired, and Germany had overcome the Polish danger in the east by a glorious
campaign without a parallel, even then Adolf Hitler raised his voice once more
in the name of peace. He did so although his hands were now free to act against
the enemy in the west. He did so, although the fight against him personally was
proclaimed in London and Paris, in immeasurable hate, as a crusade. At this
moment he possessed the supreme self-control to proclaim in his speech of October
6, 1939, a new plan for the pacification of Europe to public opinion
throughout the world. This plan was as follows:
"By far the most important task, in my opinion, is the creation of not
only a belief in, but also a sense of, European security.
1. For this it is necessary that the aims of the
foreign policy of each European State should be made perfectly clear. As far as
Germany is concerned, the Reich Government is ready to give a thorough and
exhaustive exposition of the aims of its foreign policy. In so doing, it begins
by stating that the Treaty of Versailles is now regarded by it as obsolete, in
other words, that the Government of the German Reich and with it the whole
German people no longer see cause or reason for any further revision of the Treaty,
apart from the demand for adequate colonial possessions justly due to the Reich,
involving in the first place a return of the German colonies. This demand for colonies is based not only on Germany's historical claim
to her colonies, but above all on her elementary right to a share of the
world's resources of raw materials. This demand does not take the form of an
ultimatum, nor is it a demand which is backed by force, but a demand based on
political justice and sane economic principles.
2. The demand for a real revival of international
economic life coupled with an extension of trade and commerce presupposes a
reorganization of the international economic system, in other words, of
production in the individual states. In order to facilitate the exchange of the
goods thus produced, however, a new system of markets must be found and a final
settlement of currencies arrived at, so that the obstacles in the way of
unrestricted trade can be gradually removed.
3. The most important condition, however, for a
real revival of economic life in and outside of Europe is the establishment of
an unconditionally guaranteed peace and of a sense of security on the part of
the individual nations. This security will not only be rendered possible by the
final sanctioning of the European status, but above all by the reduction of
armaments to a reasonable and economically tolerable level. An essential part
of this necessary sense of security, however, is a clear definition of the
legitimate use and application of certain modern armaments which can at any
given moment strike straight at the heart of every nation and hence create a
permanent sense of insecurity. In my previous speeches in the Reichstag I made
proposals with this end in view. At that time they were rejected -
presumably for the simple reason that they were made by me.
I believe, however, that a sense of national security will not return to Europe
until clear and binding international agreements have provided a comprehensive
definition of the extent to which the use of certain weapons is permitted or
forbidden.
The Geneva Convention once succeeded in prohibiting, in civilized countries
at least, the killing of wounded, the ill-treatment of prisoners, war against
non-combatants, etc., and just as it was possible gradually to achieve the
universal observance of this statute, a way ought surely to be found to
regulate aerial warfare, the use of poison gas, of submarines etc., and also so
to define contraband that war will lose its terrible character of a conflict
waged against women and children and against non-combatants in general. The
growing horror of certain methods of modern warfare will of its own accord lead
to their abolition, and thus they will become obsolete.
In the war with Poland, I endeavored to restrict aerial warfare to objectives of military
importance, or only to employ it to
combat resistance at a given point. But it must surely be possible to emulate
the Red Cross in drawing up some universally valid international regulation. It
is only when this is achieved that peace can reign, particularly on our densely
populated continent a peace which, un-contaminated by suspicion and fear, will
provide the only possible condition for real economic prosperity. I do not
believe that there is any responsible statesman in Europe who does not in his
heart desire prosperity for his people. But such a desire can only be realized
if all the nations inhabiting this continent decide to work together. To assist
in ensuring this co-operation must be the aim of every man who is sincerely
struggling for the future of his own people.
To achieve this great end, the leading nations on this continent will one
day have to come together in order to draw up, accept and guarantee a statute
on a comprehensive basis which will ensure for them a sense of security, of
calm, - in short, of peace.
Such a conference could not possibly be held without the most thorough
preparation, i. e. without exact elucidation of every point at issue. It is
equally impossible that such a conference, which would determine the fate of
this continent for many years to come, could carry on its deliberations while
cannons are thundering, or mobilized armies bringing pressure to bear upon it. Since,
however, these problems must be solved sooner or later, it would surely be more
sensible to tackle the solution before millions of men are first uselessly sent
to their death, and billions of dollars' worth of property destroyed.
The continuation of the present state of affairs in the west is
unthinkable. Each day will soon demand increasing sacrifices. Perhaps the day
will come when France will begin to bombard and demolish Saarbrücken. The
German artillery will in turn lay Mühlhausen in ruins. France will retaliate by
bombarding Karlsruhe, and Germany in her turn shell Strassburg. Then the French
artillery will fire at Freiburg, and the Germans at Kolmar or Schlettstadt.
Long-range artillery will then be set up, and from both sides destruction will
strike deeper and deeper, and whatever cannot be reached by the long-range artillery
will be destroyed from the air. And that will be very interesting for certain
international journalists, and very profitable for the aeroplane, arms, and
munition manufacturers, etc., but appalling for the victims. And this battle of
destruction will not be confined to the land. No, it will reach far out over
the sea. To-day there are no longer any islands.
And the national wealth of Europe will be scattered in the form of shells,
and the vigor of every nation will be sapped on the battlefields. One day,
however, there will again be a frontier between Germany and France, but instead
of flourishing towns there will be ruins and endless graveyards."
The fate of this plan was the same as that of all the previous appeals made
by Adolf Hitler in the name of reason, in the interests of a true renascence of
Europe. His enemies paid him no heed. On this occasion also no response was
forthcoming from them. They rigidly adhered to the attitude which they had
taken up in the beginning.
In the face of this series of historical facts is there any need for
further details as to the question of why they did so? They had created
Versailles, and when Versailles threatened to collapse they wanted the war, in
order to follow it with an even worse Versailles. The reproaches which they
make today to Adolf Hitler and Germany, recoil one and all on those who make
them, and characterize their actions. They are the disturbers of peace,
they are the ones who meditate the forcible oppression of other peoples and
seek to plunge Europe in devastation and disaster. If were not so, they
would long ago have taken the hand that was stretched out to them or at least
have made a gesture of honestly wishing to cooperate in a new order, and thus
spare the nations "blood, tears and sweat" in excess.
World history is the world court; and in this case as always when it
reaches its decision it will pronounce a just verdict.
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