The official blog of the site “Der Stürmer” – http://der-stuermer.org
Monday, March 30, 2020
Friday, March 27, 2020
Adolf Hitler About the Youth
In their (the youth’s) heart there will no longer be
any place for prejudices, the self-conceit and arrogance of the individual folk
strata of previous generations. For they live together, march together, jointly
sing the songs of the movement and of the fatherland and believe in a Germany,
which belongs to all of them.
Speech of September 10, 1934
in Nuremberg
They (the German youth) love
the clarity and determination of our leadership!
Speech of September 10, 1934 in
Nuremberg
The youth has fallen for and
is bound to us with body and soul.
Speech of September 10, 1934
in Nuremberg
And when left and right the
stubborn stand there and say: „But you (National Socialists) will never get
us”, then I say: „We are indifferent to that; but we get your children. We
educate them from the start toward a different ideal and educate them toward
each other.”
Speech of November 10, 1933 in
Berlin
Whoever wants to uplift a folk
community, must not start with those alienated from each other in earlier life,
rather those who in their youth are still bound to each other. And precisely
for that reason National Socialism also directs its sharpest and most
penetrating appeal to the youth.
Speech of February 7, 1934 in
Berlin
What must in the future lead
the German folk to National Socialism can only succeed through an eternally
uniform education.
Speech of February 26, 1934 in
Munich
The sensible education of the
folk (will require) many decades.
Proclamation of September 1,
1933 in Nuremberg
With faithful heart and strong
purpose this youth should one day be a better link in our folk’s chain of
generations than we were ourselves and could perhaps be today.
Speech of May 1, 1934 in
Berlin
What we do not manage with the
present generation, we will complete with the coming. For just as tenaciously
as we once fought for the grown man and the grown woman, we fight for the
German youth. And it grows up in a different world and will first really help
to form a different world. In our National Socialist youth organization, we
create the school for the education of the man of the new German Reich.
Speech of May 1, 1934 in
Berlin
The reverence for the great
men must again be imprinted on the German youth as a sacred legacy.
Speech of March 23, 1933 in
Berlin
What is further necessary is a
change of our education: We today suffer from over-education. One only values
the knowledge. The know-it-alls, however, are enemies of the deed. What we need
is instinct and will.
Speech of April 27, 1923 in
Munich
The youth, who now does not
find his way to where, in the final analysis, the fate of his folk is
represented in the positive sense, who now only studies philosophy and only
sits behind his books or next to the stove at home, he is not a German youth!
Speech of July 28, 1922 in
Munich
It will be one of the tasks of
the future to again create a unity between feeling and reason, that means to
train that unspoiled breed, which with clear reason recognizes the eternal legality
of development and thus consciously again finds its way back to primitive
instinct.
Proclamation of September 1,
1933 in Nuremberg
No less do we want to take up
the fight for a better morality. And we have here, too, not acted
theoretically. What has been cleaned up in Germany in these months, is
unprecedented! And this cleansing process goes on continuously.
Speech of October 24, 1933 in
Berlin
Our „work service” is a
tremendous social institution, which at the same time works to reconcile the
classes. We have gathered for useful work an army of young people, who
previously went bad on rural roads.
Interview of October 18, 1933
in Berlin
In order to especially help
the youth, they have been gathered and put to work in our work camps at a reasonable
activity with very small wages, but sufficient food. They have no families yet
and can hence be easily lodged in barracks and similar quarters near their work
places.
Interview of October 18, 1933
in Berlin
It is our inalterable decision
to lead every individual German - be he whoever he is, whether rich, whether
poor, whether son of scholars or son of factory workers - to manual labor once
in his life, so that he becomes acquainted with it, so that he can here, too,
more easily command one day, because he has himself already learned to obey.
Speech of May 1, 1933 in
Berlin
In a time when millions live
among us without an understanding for the significance of manual laborers, we
want to educate the German folk through the work service to the realization
that manual labor does not shame, does not dishonor, rather much more, like any
other activity, bestows honor on whomever fulfills it with a loyal and honest
purpose.
Speech of May 1, 1933 in
Berlin
We have...built up the work
service as a pillar for the combating of unemployment on the one hand and for
the education of the folk community on the other.
Speech of October 24, 1933 in
Berlin
We want the work service in
order to compel each young German to once contribute through his hands to the
construction of his folk.
Speech of May 1, 1934 in
Berlin
Do you believe that we educate
our youth, which is our whole future and to which we all cling, in order to
then let it be shot up on the battlefield?
Interview of October 18, 1933
in Berlin
That the German youth again
possess a feeling of honor, fills me with joy.
Interview of October 18, 1933
in Berlin
What will...finally triumph,
is the fire of the German youth.
May 4, 1923 in Munich
We are not National
Socialists, because we possess power, rather we want Germany to become National
Socialist, because its sons are National Socialists.
Speech of September 6, 1934 in
Nuremberg
You are flesh of our flesh and
blood of our blood, and in your minds burns the same fire, which dominates us!
Speech of September 8, 1934 in
Nuremberg
My German youth!...What we
yearn for and expect from the coming Germany, is what you must, my boys and
girls, fulfill. If we want a Germany of strength, then you must one day be
strong. If we want a Germany of energy, then you must one day be full of
energy. If we want to re-shape a Germany of honor, then you must one day be the
bearers of this honor. If we want to see a Germany of order before us, you must
be the bearers of this order. If we want to win a Germany of loyalty, you must
yourselves learn to be loyal. No virtue of this Reich, which is not first
practiced by you yourselves, no energy which does not come from you, no
greatness, which does not have its roots in your discipline. You are the
Germany of the future, and we thus want that you are as this Germany of the
future should and must be one day!
Speech of May 1, 1934 morning
in Berlin
Tuesday, March 24, 2020
David Duke & Mark Collett: Zionist Neocons & Commies Fight Over the Corpse of America
Dr. David Duke Radio Show (21-Feb-2020)
Dr. Duke was
joined by Mark Collett for a discussion the Democratic primary race becoming a
Jew vs Jew affair between Bernie and Bloomberg, with Bernie representing the
older Communist tradition in Jewish politics and Bloomberg the more modern
triumphalist, market dominant neocon wing.
Sunday, March 22, 2020
Friday, March 20, 2020
Race Suicide
Source: Free Speech - January 2001 - Volume VII, Number 1
by Dr. William L. Pierce
With the
end of the year at hand this seems like a good time to sum things up.
Before we sum up the past year, though, let’s look at the past century. The salient
feature of the 20th century was the collective suicide of the White race. In
1900 we ruled the world. We ruled politically, militarily, culturally,
economically, scientifically, and in every other way. No other race even came
close. We ruled India and Africa directly, and China was for all practical
purposes an economic colony of Europe and America. The Chinese Emperor remained
on his throne only so long as he let White men have their way in China. Japan
was the only non-White nation of any significance that even had pretensions of
autonomy.
We had superior weapons, superior
armed forces, superior communications, superior transportation, superior
agriculture and industry, superior standards of health, superior organization,
superiority in every facet of science and technology. We had the best
universities – really, the only universities worthy of the name – the best
engineers. We built things that other races couldn’t even imagine. We explored,
we conquered, we ruled.
More important than anything else
was our moral superiority – and please don’t misunderstand my use of that term.
I don’t mean that we were meek and inoffensive and turned the other cheek. I
mean that we were proud and self-confident. We knew who we were, and we knew
that we were far, far better than anyone else, and we weren’t at all
embarrassed by the fact that we were better. We recognized racial differences
in the same way we recognized that the sun rises in the east, and we felt not
the slightest need to apologize to anyone for that. Egalitarianism was a moral
and mental disease that afflicted only a few of our people, despite the
murderous outburst of egalitarian insanity that was the French Revolution a
century earlier. Any sort of racial mixing was abhorrent to us. We looked on miscegenation
with the same disgust and disapproval as on bestiality or necrophilia. We
didn’t tolerate it. And we didn’t accept or trust Jews. That was our situation
a century ago.
We did have some faults, however:
some very serious faults. We were not vigilant. We were so confident in our
superiority that we failed to heed the warnings of the few among us who were
vigilant. We didn’t pay attention when a few warned us, “Hey, we’d better do
something about the race problem. We have nine million non-Whites in the United
States, according to the 1900 census, and in the future they could become a
real problem for us. Let’s start getting rid of them now.”
We thought, “Well, as long as they
stay on their side of town and stay out of sight, how can they be a problem for
us? Besides, they’re useful for picking cotton and as cleaning women and cooks
and gardeners.”
And when a few warned us about the
Jews we also didn’t pay attention. A few warned us about the damage the Jews
had done to us in the past, about their malevolence, about their growing
wealth, but most of us didn’t take the warnings seriously. We saw the Jews as
obnoxious and unpleasant people, and we didn’t let them into our private clubs
and our better hotels, but we didn’t consider them really dangerous. We didn’t
even become alarmed when they began buying up our newspapers and elbowing their
way into other propaganda media.
And lack of vigilance wasn’t our
only fault. We were too ready to quarrel with one another. No other race was
seen as a threat to ours, so we felt no need to suppress our internal rivalries
and jealousies and hatreds and form a solid front against the non-White world.
We let fester old rivalries between the English and the Germans and between the
Germans and the French and between the English and the Boers in South Africa
and between those of us who spoke Germanic languages and those of us who spoke
Slavic or Romance languages. We didn’t notice our faults, our weaknesses – but
others did.
The latter half of the 19th century
saw not only the beginning of the acquisition of our mass media by the Jews,
but also the nearly simultaneous hatching of two long-term, murderous
conspiracies designed to exploit our weaknesses and turn them against us. These
two conspiracies were Zionism and Marxism. Some Jews went with one, some with
the other, but both were deadly for us.
The Marxists issued their Communist
Manifesto as far back as the middle of the 19th century, but it was another 50
years before they were able to have much of an impact on the Gentile world. As
for the Zionists, they also began propagandizing and organizing about the
middle of the 19th century and only became noticeable at the beginning of the
20th century, when they began having international Zionist congresses and more
or less openly laying their plans to foment wars and revolutions, of which they
could take advantage to promote Jewish interests.
For example, at the Zionist Congress
in 1897, in Basel, Switzerland, the Zionist leader Theodor Herzl told his
fellow Jews that they were having trouble persuading the Turks, who at that
time controlled Palestine, to turn the country over to them, but that the
Jewish leaders had plans for getting around the Turks. And I should mention
that Herzl’s address to the 1897 Zionist Congress has been published in a
number of places, and any diligent researcher can dig up a copy. Herzl said:
“It may be that Turkey will refuse
us or will be unable to understand us. This will not discourage us. We will
seek other means to accomplish our end. The Orient question is now a question
of the day. Sooner or later it will bring about a conflict among the nations. .
. . The great European war must come. With my watch in hand do I await this
terrible moment. After the great European war is ended the peace conference
will assemble. We must be ready for that time.”
Remember, Herzl was talking about
the Jews’ plans 17 years before the outbreak of the First World War. But the
Jews were ready when the time came. In 1916, with the war more or less
stalemated, they approached Britain’s political leaders and made a deal to
bring the United States into the war on the side of Britain in return for a
British promise to take Palestine away from Turkey and turn it over to the Jews
after the war. The British side of the deal was made public in the so-called
Balfour Declaration. And the Zionists kept their end of the bargain by working
through Jews close to the Democratic President of the United States, Woodrow
Wilson. Wilson had won the election to his second term in the White House in
1916 by promising America’s voters that he would keep the United States out of
the European war. But as soon as he took office in 1917 he began scheming to
get the country into the war on the side of Britain, which, of course, he did
two months later. That cost a couple of million additional Gentile lives, but
it got Palestine for the Jews – and it also prolonged the war enough for the
Jews in Russia to topple the czar and get their communist revolution off the
ground.
When I said that some Jews took the
Marxist route and some the Zionist route, I didn’t mean that all Jews became
active workers in one or the other of those movements. Most Jews remained
full-time money-grubbers and provided propaganda and financial support for
their conspiratorial brethren, continuing to buy up mass media and to dispense
capital to the Zionists or the communists as needed. And they didn’t wait for
the First World War for that. The first big Gentile bloodletting of the last
century in which they had a hand was the Boer War in South Africa, between the
British and the Boers. This cruel and murderous war, in which Jewish
capitalists were allied with British capitalists against South Africa’s Dutch
and German and French farmers – the Boers – laid the foundations for Jewish
control of much of Africa’s mineral wealth.
In 1904 the Jewish Wall Street
speculator Jacob Schiff, planning ahead for a communist takeover of Russia,
helped to finance the Japanese side in the Russian-Japanese war and used his
influence to block loans to the Czar’s government from America. This was the same
Jacob Schiff who a little more than a decade later provided the
Jewish-Bolshevik movement with an infusion of $25 million to finish the job in
Russia: that’s $25 million from capitalist Wall Street to finance the communist
butchery of Gentile Russians. In 1917 $25 million was a lot of money; in any
case it bought enough bombs and bullets and communist propaganda leaflets to
get the job done.
Now, none of this Jewish activity
was really secret. The lemmings didn’t know about it, because it wasn’t in the funny
papers or the movies. But Jews weren’t even trying to keep their sympathies or
their activities secret, and observant Gentiles continued to issue warnings to
anyone who would listen. But, as I said a moment ago, we weren’t vigilant.
White Americans didn’t believe that they were in any danger. Things such as the
deal to bring America into the First World War in return for the turning of
Palestine over to the Jews were too subtle for the American mind.
After the war the mass murder of
Ukrainians and Russians by Jewish-Bolshevik commissars might possibly have
registered with White Americans, except that the average White American didn’t
think of Russians and Ukrainians as real people: they spoke a different
language and dressed differently from us. And besides, by that time the Jews
had gotten a pretty good grip on Hollywood and the broadcasting industry, and
so the only side of the story that most Americans were allowed to see or hear
was the Jewish side.
Europeans were more vigilant than
Americans. For one thing Europeans had longer memories: they were more aware of
the long history of Jewish scheming and predation than Americans were. For
another thing, in Europe the danger was quite a bit closer. Communist parties
in a number of European countries besides Russia had taken advantage of the
chaos in the wake of the war to make grabs for power, and in a few countries –
Hungary, for example – they succeeded temporarily. People noticed the ethnicity
of the commissars and were horrified by their behavior toward the Gentile
populations. Even in insular Britain no less a public figure than Winston
Churchill spoke out clearly about the danger of Jewish communism. In a
full-page feature article in the February 8, 1920, issue of London’s Illustrated
Sunday Herald, Churchill wrote:
This movement among the Jews is not
new. From the days of Spartacus-Weisshaupt to those of Karl Marx, and down to
Trotsky in Russia, Bela Kun in Hungary, Rosa Luxembourg in Germany, and Emma
Goldman in the United States, this world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of
civilization and the reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested
development, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality has been steadily
growing. It played . . . a definitely recognizable part in the tragedy of the
French Revolution. It has been the mainspring of every subversive movement
during the nineteenth century; and now at last this band of extraordinary
personalities from the underworld of the great cities of Europe and America
have gripped the Russian people by the hair of their heads and have become
practically the undisputed masters of that enormous empire.
There is no need to exaggerate the
part played in the creation of Bolshevism and in the actual bringing about of
the Russian Revolution by these international and for the most part atheistical
Jews. It is certainly a very great one; it probably outweighs all others. With
the notable exception of Lenin, the majority of the leading figures are Jews.
Moreover, the principal inspiration and driving power comes from the Jewish
leaders. Thus Tchitcherin, a pure Russian, is eclipsed by his nominal
subordinate Litvinoff, and the influence of Russians like Bukharin or
Lunacharski cannot be compared with the power of Trotsky or of Zinovieff . . .
or of Krassin or Radek – all Jews. In the Soviet institutions the predominance
of Jews is even more astonishing. And the prominent, if not indeed the
principal, part in the system of terrorism applied by the Extraordinary
Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution [the Cheka] has been taken by Jews,
and in some notable cases by Jewesses. The same evil prominence was obtained by
Jews in the brief period of terror during which Bela Kun ruled in Hungary. The
same phenomenon has been presented in Germany (especially in Bavaria), so far
as this madness has been allowed to prey upon the temporary prostration of the
German people. Although in all these countries there are many non-Jews every
whit as bad as the worst of the Jewish revolutionaries, the part played by the
latter in proportion to their numbers in the population is astonishing.”
Actually, Churchill said quite a bit
more in this article about the dangers of allowing Jewish communism to go
unchecked, and if you really want to make a study of the background of our present
mess you should read the entire article yourself. That’s the February 8, 1920,
issue of the Illustrated Sunday Herald. If you can’t find it yourself
in a large research library, the entire article is photographically reproduced
in the book The Best of Attack! and National Vanguard Tabloid, which
is available from National Vanguard Books, the sponsor of this program. And
when you do find the article from which I just read – a major article written
by one of the most prominent personalities of the last century and published in
a major British newspaper – you might ask yourself why you had never heard of
it before I called it to your attention.
As I said, we lacked vigilance. A
few people paid attention – America’s pioneer automaker Henry Ford, for example
– but most White Americans were too busy with their ball games and funny
papers. And we didn’t really care about what the Jews were doing to White
people overseas, since they weren’t Americans. About the only people who really
paid attention were the Germans, who resolved not to let the Jews do to them
what they had done to the Russians and had tried to do to the Hungarians. So
they proceeded to get Rosa Luxembourg and her pals off their backs and out of
Germany. And when the Germans did that, the Jews in America began screaming
bloody murder and calling for another world war to save them from the Germans.
And by this time the Jews had almost a monopoly on getting their side of the
story to the American public.
Well, our people had one other fault
in addition to an inadequate sense of racial solidarity with other Whites
around the world and a lack of vigilance: we also lacked responsible
leadership. We lacked even a system for giving us responsible leadership. What
we had were politicians: skilled liars – actors, lawyers – who never asked
themselves, “What policy is good for our people?” but only, “How can I get
elected? What must I promise the people in order to get their votes? What
policy will make me popular?” And as the grip of the Jews on the mass media, on
Hollywood and Madison Avenue – and therefore on the minds of the public –
became more and more nearly complete throughout the last century, the question
the politicians asked themselves became, more and more: “What must I do to
please the Jews and gain their support?”
And so in 1933, in the same year
that a German government took office with a policy of freeing the German people
from the grip of the Jews, in America a government took office with a policy of
doing whatever the Jews wanted done. Franklin Roosevelt surrounded himself with
more Jews than any previous American President. In this regard he was the Bill
Clinton of his day.
Using Roosevelt as their willing
tool, the Jews pulled the same sort of bait-and-switch trick on the American
people to get us into the Second World War that they had pulled using Woodrow
Wilson to get us into the First World War. Just as Wilson had done 24 years
earlier, Roosevelt ran for re-election in 1940 on a campaign promise to keep
the United States out of the war in Europe, and while he was making that
promise to the American people he was actively scheming with his Jewish
advisors and supporters to get the United States into the war as soon as he
could, and meanwhile to keep the war in Europe going by making promises of
support to those countries opposed to Germany.
It was fighting on the wrong side of
that war, more than anything else, that laid us low. It also destroyed the
British Empire and laid Britain low. Throughout the non-White world Whites
began abdicating their rule, withdrawing, apologizing. The disease of
egalitarianism spread like wildfire. There was a moral collapse throughout the
White world. It wasn’t just the German people who lost the Second World War; it
was all Europeans, all White people, including European-Americans.
The Jews were the only real winners.
The First World War resulted in opening up Palestine for their Zionist faction
and delivering Russia to their communist faction. The Second World War not only
saved them from getting booted out of Europe by Hitler, it delivered all of
eastern and much of central Europe to their communist faction and finished
delivering Palestine to their Zionist faction. The war cost them a million or
so of the less-nimble Jews in Europe, but it gave them the basis for their
enormously profitable “Holocaust” story, with which they have beaten the White
world over the head ever since.
And so today we have George Bush
trying to outdo Bill Clinton in multiculturalizing the government of the United
States. Conservative Americans, patriotic Americans, put their hope in Bush to
pull America back from the insanity of the Clinton era, and the first thing
Bush does is try to ingratiate himself with the Clintonistas, with the Jews, by
appointing non-Whites to the most important posts in his administration.
Read the man’s lips. What he’s
saying is: “Hey, I’m really not such a bad guy. See, I’m appointing Blacks, I’m
appointing Jews, I’m appointing Mexicans. And the Blacks and Mexicans I’m
appointing are just as pro-Jewish as I am. My tough-talking Black secretary of
state speaks Yiddish and will support Jewish interests around the world just as
strongly as Bill Clinton’s Jewish secretary of state has done. You can trust
me. I’ll do whatever you tell me. I’ll support Israel. I’ll support ‘speech
crime’ laws. I’m your man.” And he’s not saying that, he’s not making these
appointments, because that’s what Republicans want or even what Americans want.
It’s what the Jews want. George Bush is a hollow man, an empty man.
And George Bush is a splendid symbol
of the state of our race today: a splendid symbol of our moral collapse during
the past century. It is entirely fitting that such a man should be our
figurehead leader as we continue on the course of racial suicide that we have
been on for the past century. It is entirely appropriate that he became our
figurehead leader through the comic-opera sort of process we have witnessed
during the last two months of the first year of this century – which certainly
will be our last century if we do not make a radical change of course soon and
begin regaining our lost moral strength.
* * *
Tuesday, March 17, 2020
NKVD Forced German POWs to Build Fake Gas Chambers AFTER the War!
„I was held by the Russians in Sachsen-hausen, and made to build a
gas chamber there; this is what I saw.“
HAVE YOU heard of the case
concerning Gerhart Schirmer, a retired Bundeswehr officer who was prosecuted a
few years ago for contravening the law, this time in Germany, which makes any
denial or diminution of the „Holocaust“ a criminal offence?
As a young officer, Schirmer
was captured in 1945 by the Russians and held in Sachsenhausen which the
Russians continued to use as a prison. Although the War and Nazism were over,
Schirmer and a few fellow-prisoners were forced to construct a gas chamber and
execution room, to show the world what the Nazis had done. He described his experiences in a
booklet entitled „Sachsenhausen - Workuta, Zehn Jahre in den Fängen der Sowjets“
(Grabert Verlag, Tübingen, 1992).
When „certain groups“ drew the
attention of the authorities to the booklet“s contents, it was seized and
banned in Germany. This is described by Schirmer below (my translation). I
understand Schirmer was given the choice of a fine or prison and he chose the
fine because, being over ninety, he did not relish spending his last few years
behind bars, especially as he had already spent eleven years of his life in
prison.
Hugo Haig-Thomas
Col (retd) Gerhart Schirmer,
Sachsenhausen - Workuta. Zehn Jahre in den Fängen der Sowjets (published by the
right-wing and independent firm, Grabert Verlag, Tübingen, 1992).
Following a decision by the
County Court in Tübingen of 21.8.2002-12.9.2002, this booklet was withdrawn and
prohibited on the grounds of racial incitement (file reference 4 Gs 937/02).
Extracts from pages 10, 13 and
37.
There exists a notarized,
sworn affidavit about the construction of a gas chamber and a shooting facility
[at Sachsenhausen concentration camp] in October/November 1945 by eight
prisoners, of whom I was one. Briefly described, this „gas chamber“ was a
shower room with 25 showerheads in the ceiling. This was supposed to give the
impression that the gassing was conducted in it. Adjoining this, we erected a
separate chamber with an opening, in front of which the offender would sit
facing the opposite side in order to receive a shot in the back of his neck. At
least this was what the guide had to explain [to Soviet visitors]. This [guide]
was our Fritz Dörbeck who, as a translator, had to act out this piece of
theatre because - born in Russia - he spoke perfect Russian. [...]
Concerning the falsifications
in Sachsenhausen (autumn 1945):
At the beginning of October
1945 Schirmer arrived at the former concentration camp, Sachsenhausen, which
the Red Army had occupied since the end of April and which had been taken over
by the NKVD [the much feared Jewish secret police that was responsible for
political repression during the Stalinist era] who continued to run it as
Special Camp No. 7. He describes some of his experiences from this time in his
booklet „Sachsenhausen-Vorkuta“. Of special interest is his statement
concerning the alterations made to the former camp crematorium by German
internees, including Schirmer, on the orders from the NKVD. Schirmer later made
a statement under oath about it in which he said:
... in early October 1945 I
was placed in Oranienburg [ie Sachsenhausen] concentration camp (barrack room
19) which continued to be used by the Soviets. After about fourteen days I was
brought into the „Steinbau“ (stone buildings) and there, together with seven
other prisoners, presented to the political officer of the camp,
Lieutenant-Colonel Kolowantienkow. From him we received an order to carry out
certain construction work in the so-called Front Zone (Vorzone) of the camp.
Among the seven other
prisoners was Dipl.-Ing. Fritz Dörbeck. He was the son of a German geologist
who in about 1905 had been tasked by the Tsarist administration to carry out
some geological research in the region of Vladivostok. Dörbeck grew up there
and spoke fluent Russian. In 1918 the Dörbeck family returned to Germany via
China. After his release in 1956, Fritz Dörbeck became the sales director of
AEG-Telefunken in Ulm and I remained a close friend of his till his death in
1982.
The seven prisoners also
included one Emil Klein, a Sudeten German who also spoke fluent Czech and some
Russian. He supervised our construction work and then disappeared from the camp
after its completion. We suspected at the time that this Klein was the intermediary
[Vertrauensmann] for the Soviets. The seven also included four construction
workers and a plumber. I no longer remember their names.
In the middle of October 1945
we were taken to the construction site. There, in the so-called Front Zone of
the Camp, was a large shower room with an ante-room. The shower room was about
8x10 square metres and contained about twenty-five shower heads. In the
ante-room were about fifty coat hooks.
When we arrived, the material
required for the construction work was already there. Under the directions of
Klein, we now connected pipes from outside the building to the water supply
pipes [Wassernetz]. Outside, on the outside of the wall, taps were attached.
Only now was Dipl.-Ing. Dörbeck the first to understand what this work was
apparently about.
We built an additional
concrete cell adjoining the bathroom measuring about 4x2 square metres with an
opening into the ante-room of the shower room. The new opening from the
ante-room to the newly built so-called „execution room“ [Erschießungsraum] was
about 20 cms wide. It was made to look as if the offender who was to be shot
would have stood at the entrance facing the concrete wall enabling the person
with the gun to fire a shot into the back of his head.
The construction works went on
for about 14 days. When Dipl.-Ing. Dörbeck and I realised what was being built,
we went to the political officer and told him that we refused to undertake any
further work. The political officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Kolowantienkow, spoke -
often heatedly - with Dörbeck for about fifteen minutes in Russian. Dörbeck
later told me that the political officer had said that we would be summarily
shot if we ceased to do any further work or let slip one word about it. The
political officer said furthermore that we were receiving good rations (which
was true) and that he - Dörbeck - would later be required to explain the
installation to groups of Soviet visitors. The political officer also said that
we would be well-treated in the future and receive good rations. As we were
unable to prevent the construction of the installation, it seemed to make sense
to us that we should continue the work and, in this way, learn what was being
made there.
After completion, at about the
end of October 1945, Dipl.-Ing. Dörbeck was brought before the political
officer alone and received precise instructions about the explanations he was
to give to Soviet groups of visitors. He had to say the following: This
installation, which was built by the Nazis, served to kill [Vernichtung] Jews
and Soviet officer prisoners. Each day some 200 people were gassed and about
twenty-five were shot. This went on from 1943 till 1945 (April).
From about December 1945 until
the end of 1947 an average of two tours a week, each consisting of some thirty
to forty Soviet men, mostly soldiers and people from the GPU, and women, were
escorted by Dörbeck round the installation. There were often officers amongst
them who quite openly expressed doubts about the age of the installation
because they saw that the concrete was new, that there were no bullet holes
from the executions in the concrete wall and that the blood stains (red paint)
were very meagre and unconvincing.
Dörbeck reported to me after
each tour. ... After Oranienburg concentration camp was closed down in January
1950, Dörbeck and I were sent first to Lichtenberg (Berlin) Prison and then in
September 1950 to Vorkuta in the northern Urals.
Signed Gerhart Schirmer
Rastatt, 16.12.86
Schirmer placed this
declaration, in the same wording, with a notary in 1988.
Concerning the detention in
Sachsenhausen and Vorkuta.
In the Soviet Special Camp No
7 (Sachsenhausen) Schirmer was first barrack room leader and then worked as an „appointment
assistant“ for the Jewish prisoners“ doctor, Dr Hirschfeld, whose surgery was
situated in the pathology building. Schirmer „enjoyed“ the privilege of being
permitted to sleep in Hirschfield“s surgery. In this way it was possible for
him to go into the mortuary at night and count the bodies of people who had
died during the day. In this way secret body counts were carried out over the
years, alternating or working with fellow prisoners. When Schirmer was
sentenced to a whole year“s solitary confinement in 1948, the secret counts
were carried out in his absence by Artur Andres. In this way, the number of
victims of the NKVD camp Sachsenhausen is known quite precisely. Schirmer
reckons they amounted to about 24,600 („give or take a hundred“).
When the NKVD camp was closed
in January 1950, Schirmer, like many others, was still not free but was sent
via Berlin-Lichtenberg and Brest-Litovsk to Vorkuta. Only when the last „war
criminals“ were released early in 1956 after Adenauer“s negotiations in Moscow
in 1955 was Schirmer able to return home. The fact that he survived four years
of starvation in Sachsenhausen and the 6 years in Vorkuta borders on a miracle.
Schirmer then entered the
Bundeswehr [Federal German Army] and retired as a Lieutenant-Colonel.
Gerhart Schirmer was
rehabilitated by the Russian state. Without him the conversion work on the
crematorium in the former concentration camp of Sachsenhausen might never have
been known.
Saturday, March 14, 2020
Thursday, March 12, 2020
Ernst Zündel - Genocide by Propaganda (Part 1)
This is the
very first video documentary ever made by Ernst Zündel. It consists of Ernst Zündel
along with a Swedish historian and an American military analyst, and was
recorded in Canada in 1983.
It’s a VERY detailed examination (made with numerous “documented sources”)
regarding the “Death camp of all death camps”, Auschwitz!
Monday, March 9, 2020
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