Part II
"If it is 'anti-Semitism' to say that communism in the United
States is Jewish, so be it; but to the unprejudiced mind it will look very much
like Americanism. Communism all over the world, not in Russia only, is
Jewish." (Henry Ford Sr., 1922)
"The task of the proletariat is to create a still more powerful
fatherland with a far greater power of resistance, the Republican United States
of Europe, as the foundation of the United States of the World." (Leon
Trotzky (Bronstein), Bolshevism and World Peace, 1918)
Count Czernin, Austrian foreign minister wrote: "This Russian
bolshevism is a peril to Europe, and if we had the power, beside securing a
tolerable peace for ourselves, to force other countries into a state of law and
order, then it would be better to have nothing to do with such people as these,
but to march on Petersburg and arrange matters there. Their leaders are almost
all of them Jews, with altogether fantastic ideas, and I do not envy the
country that is government by them. The way they begin is this: Everything in
the least reminiscent of work, wealth, and culture, must be destroyed, and the
Bourgeoisie [Middle Class] Exterminated. Freedom and equality seem no longer to
have any place on their program: only a bestial suppression of all but the
proletariat itself." (Waters Flowing Eastward, p.
46-47)
"Rollin, Pierred Leroux, and a group of
socialists, among whom was Maurice Joly [His father was Philippe Lambert Joly,
born at Dieppe, Attorney-General of the Jura under Louis-Philippe for ten
years. His mother Florentine Corbara Courtois, was the daughter of Laurent
Courtois, paymaster-general of Corsica, who had an inveterate hatred of
Napoleon I. Maurice Joly was born in 1831 at Lons-le-Saulnier and educated at
Dijon: there he had begun his law studies, but left for Paris in 1849 to secure
a post in the Ministry of the Interior under M. Chevreau and just before the
coup d'etat. He did not finish his law studies till 1860. [Committed suicide in
1878].
Joly, some thirty years younger than Cremieux, with an
inherited hatred of the Bonapartes, seems to have fallen very largely under his
influence. Through Cremieux, Joly became acquainted with communists and their
writings. Though, until 1871 when his ambition for a government post turned him
into a violent communist, he had not in 1864 gone beyond socialism, he was so
impressed with the way they presented their arguments that he could not, if the
chance were offered, refrain from imitating it.
And this chance came in 1864-1865, when his hatred of
Napoleon, whetted by Cremieux, led him to publish anonymously in Brussels the
Dialogues aux Enfers entre Machiavelli et Montesquieu. In this work he tells
us, 'Machiavelli represents the policy of Might, while Montesquieu stands for
that of Right: Machiavelli will be Napoleon, who will himself describe his
abominable policy.' It was natural that he should choose the Italian
Machiavelli to stand for Bonaparte, and the Frenchman Montesquieu, for the
ideal statesman: it was equally natural that he should put in the mouth of
Machiavelli some of the same expressions which Venedey had put in it, and which
Joly had admired. His own view was: 'Socialism seems to me one of the forms of
a new life for the people emancipated from the traditions of the old world. I
accept a great many of the solutions offered by socialism; but I reject
communism, either as a social factor, or as a political institution. Communism
is but a school of socialism. In politics, I understand extreme means to gain
one's ends, in that at least, I am a Jacobin."
"Szamuelly travelled about Hungary in his special train; an eye
witness gives the following description: 'This train of death rumbled through
the Hungarian night, and where it stopped, men hung from trees, and blood
flowed in the streets. Along the railway line one often found naked and
mutilated corpses. Szamuelly passed sentence of death in the train and those
forced to enter it never related what they had seen. Szamuelly lived in it
constantly, thirty Chinese terrorists watched over his safety; special
executioners accompanied him. The train was composed of two saloon cars, two
first class cars reserved for the terrorists and two third class cars reserved
for the victims. In the later the executions took place. the floors were
stained with blood. the corpses were thrown from the windows while Szamuelly
sat at his dainty little writing table, in the saloon car upholstered in pink
silk and ornamented with mirrors. A single gesture of his hand dealt out life or
death.'" (C. De Tormay, Le livre proscrit, p.
204. Paris, 1919, The Secret Powers Behind Revolution, by Vicomte Leon De
Poncins, p. 122)
"When the Jew applies his thought, his whole soul to the cause of
the workers and the despoiled, of the disinherited of this world, his
fundamental quality is that he goes to the root of things. In Germany he
becomes a Marx and a Lasalle, a Haas and an Edward Bernstein; in Austria Victor
Adler, Friedrich Adler; in Russia, Trotsky. Compare for an instant the present
situation in Germany and Russia: the revolution there has liberated creative
forces, and admire the quantity of Jews who were there ready for active and
immediate service. Revolutionaries, Socialists, Mensheviks, Bolsheviks,
Majority or Minority Socialists, whatever name one assigns to them, all are
Jews and one finds them as the chiefs or the workers IN ALL REVOLUTIONARY
PARTIES." (Rabbi J.L. Manges, speaking in New York in
1919; The Secret Powers Behind Revolution, by Vicomte Leon De Poncins, p. 128)
The Jew Weininger, has explained why so many Jews are communists:
"Communism is not only a national belief but it implies the giving up of
real property especially of landed property, and the Jews, being international,
have never acquired the taste for real property. They prefer money, which is an
instrument of power." (The Secret Powers Behind
Revolution, by Vicomte Leon De Poncins, p. 137)
"The socialist intellectual may write of the beauties of
nationalization, of the joy of working for the common good without hope of
personal gain: the revolutionary working man sees nothing to attract him in all
this. Question him on his ideas of social transformation, and he will generally
express himself in favor of some method by which he will acquire something he
has not got; he does not want to see the rich man's car socialized by the
state, he wants to drive about in it himself. The revolutionary working man is
thus in reality not a socialist but an anarchist at heart. Nor in some cases is
this unnatural. That the man who enjoys none of the good things of life should
wish to snatch his share must at least appear comprehensible. What is not
comprehensible is that he should wish to renounce all hope of ever possessing
anything." (N.H. Webster, Secret Societies and
Subversive Movement, p. 327; The Secret Powers Behind Revolution, by Vicomte
Leon De Poncins, p. 138)
"In our decrees, it is definitely proclaimed that religion is a
question for the private individual; but whilst opportunists tended to see in
these words the meaning that the state would adopt the policy of folded arms,
the Marxian revolutionary recognizes the duty of the state to lead a most
resolute struggle against religion by means of ideological influences on the
proletarian masses." (The Secret Powers Behind
Revolution, by Vicomte Leon De Poncins, p. 144)
"In 1923, Trotsky, and Lunatcharsky presided over a meeting in
Moscow organized by the propaganda section of the Communist party to judge God.
Five thousand men of the Red Army were present. The accused was found guilty of
various ignominious acts and having had the audacity to fail to appear, he was
condemned in default." (Ost Express, January 30, 1923.
Cf. Berliner Taegeblatt May 1, 1923. See the details of the Bolshevist struggle
against religion in The Assault of Heaven by A. Valentinoff (Boswell); The
Secret Powers Behind Revolution, by Vicomte Leon De Poncins, p. 144-145)
"In that which concerns the Jews, their part in
world socialism is so important that it is impossible to pass it over in
silence. Is it not sufficient to recall the names of the great Jewish
revolutionaries of the 19th and 20th centuries, Karl Marx, Lassalle, Kurt
Eisner, Bela Kuhn, Trotsky, Leon Blum, so that the names of the theorists of
modern socialism should at the same time be mentioned? If it is not possible to
declare Bolshevism, taken as a whole, a Jewish creation it is nevertheless true
that the Jews have furnished several leaders to the Marximalist movement and
that in fact they have played a considerable part in it.
Jewish tendencies towards communism, apart from all
material collaboration with party organizations, what a strong confirmation do
they not find in the deep aversion which, a great Jew, a great poet, Henry
Heine felt for Roman Law! The subjective causes, the passionate causes of the
revolt of Rabbi Aquiba and of Bar Kocheba in the year 70 A.D. against the Pax
Romana and the Jus Romanum, were understood and felt subjectively and
passionately by a Jew of the 19th century who apparently had maintained no connection
with his race!
Both the Jewish revolutionaries and the Jewish
communists who attack the principle of private property, of which the most
solid monument is the Codex Juris Civilis of Justinianus, of Ulpian, etc...are
doing nothing different from their ancestors who resisted Vespasian and Titus.
In reality it is the dead who speak." (Kadmi Kohen: Nomades. F. Alcan, Paris, 1929, p. 26; The Secret Powers
Behind Revolution, by Vicomte Leon De Poncins, pp. 157-158)
"It would however be incomplete in this respect
if we did not join to it, cause or consequence of this state of mind, the
predominance of the idea of Justice. Moreover and the offset is interesting, it
is the idea of Justice, which in concurrence, with the passionalism of the
race, is at the base of Jewish revolutionary tendencies. It is by awakening
this sentiment of justice that one can promote revolutionary agitation. Social
injustice which results from necessary social inequality, is however, fruitful:
morality may sometimes excuse it but never justice.
The doctrine of equality, ideas of justice, and
passionalism decide and form revolutionary tendencies. Undiscipline and the
absence of belief in authority favors its development as soon as the object of
the revolutionary tendency makes its appearance. But the 'object' is
possessions: the object of human strife, from time immemorial, eternal struggle
for their acquisition and their repartition. This is Communism fighting the
principle of Private Property.
Even the instinct of property, moreover, the result of
attachment to the soil, does not exist among the Jews, these nomads, who have
never owned the soil and who have never wished to own it. Hence their
undeniable communist tendencies from the days of antiquity." (Kadmi Cohen, pp. 81-85; Secret Powers Behind Revolution, by Vicomte
Leon de Poncins, pp. 194-195)
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